NEWS OF THE WEEK.
Ernes, national and ecclesiastical, have absorbed the faithful Commons this week. The second reading of Lord ABERDEEN'S Ernes, national and ecclesiastical, have absorbed the faithful Commons this week. The second reading of Lord ABERDEEN'S Scotch Church Bill introduced the subject. As we anticipated, the bill experienced a more dangerous course in the Lower House than it had done among the Foreign Secretary's corn- peers; the Ultra-Nonintrusionists and Anti-Nonintrusionists
forming for the nonce a coalition against it, and running the majority in its favour as close as 18. Sir ROBERT PEEL, in
beating up for support, reminded Members that they only voted
for the principle ; the details have yet to be tossed about in Committee : but probably the approach to a defeat—a Ministerial
defeat—will have alarmed the occupants of the Treasury bench, and they may not again risk a division without a strong reinforce- ment in the House. The principal opponent of the bill was Mr. RUTHERFORD, a Nonintrusionist ; who seemed clearly to make out, that instead of "declaring" the law it alters the law, but that the alteration will not at all Buggy those who have clamoured for change. It disturbs without setTlIng.
Mr. WARD has moved a resolution, having for its avowed object the disruption of the Established Church in Ireland, the alienation of its property, and the redistribution of that property among the several religious sects of the country in the ratio of their numbers. Mr. WARD made a very elaborate statement, to show that Irish mis- government has for centuries had at its root the Church Establish- ment. Almost the same case might be made out of any great Irish grievance—as tenures. The real root of all the evil has been, that Ire- land was a conquered country, and that it was still treated as such after the Union affected to identify it with the conquering country. England has forgotten how often in her victories the Irish have conquered for her, and has continued the unworthy advantage over their nation which a start in civilization originally gave to her. In vir- tue of conquest, a church was forced upon the country ; Protestants were forced upon it ; landlords were forced upon it ; English policy was forced upon it—English debts. Some abuses have been re- moved ; others remain, and among them the compulsory church. Mr. WARD'S exposition of that grievance, and his summary remedy, did not obtain so much attention as his happy and convenient suggestion of the Appropriation-clause. The debate was cut short, on the second night, by the counting of the House. Minis- ters were so little alarmed for the result, that they took no pains to keep a strong voting force behind them. They relied on the discord in the opposite camp ; and not without reason. The Ex- Ministers gave no token that they had so far recovered lee-way as even to get back, to the Appropriation-clause from which they drifted with the stream years ago : they were absent, one and all. The most singular defection was that of the Irish Members : only seven were present, two of those being Tories. At one time, Mr. ROCHE was, of all the Opposition, the only tone sitting on their benches!
With such utter difference of views, and so little disposition even to attempt a common agreement, there is no near prospect of abolishing the salient grievance of Ireland by direct means. It is, however, one of a class of subjects which there is a growing desire to entertain as respects all parts of the United Kingdom—the ministering to the moral and physical wants of the poorer class by the richer. One of the most marked evidences of that feeling was Lord Joint MANNERS'S proposal to begin undoing the law of mort- main. He was met by Sir Jkatzs GRAHAM with an amplification of the caution, that the repeal of so ancient a law, recommended by such high authorities, must not be rashly decided. Of course not ; but that is no answer to the proposition. The law of mort- main was adopted when the clergy viere almost the sole possessors of moral influence ; when their chief object was to absorb all power into the church ; when deathbeds were haunted by impor- tuners for bequests to religious institutions and when the acquisi- tion of laud by sacred possessors derogated from its military dues under the feudal system, and seriously diminished the strength of kings and princes. In all respects the state of society is re- versed : military strength does not depend upon the land ; the church has no monopoly of knowledge and moral influence ; the whole bent of our laws and customs is not to bestow wealth on spiritual and moral objects. Quite the contrary. The religious scepticism of the last age has been merged in a wider scepticism of all moral matters in this : the happiness of peoples has been almost forgotten in pursuing the " wealth of nations" ; charity is turned over to mendicity societies and poor-law authorities ; land- owning and property have been " protected " and fenced in on all sides ; commerce has been encouraged—every means has been em- ployed to direct wealth into the few great channels in which it already is and abounds: but the whole tendency of law-making and of recent public opinion has been to check the direct overflow of wealth from the rich to the poor. Almost the whole tide of profit and advantage which floods the kingdom with wealth and enriches the rich, passes from the poor to the rich. The mere motion of benevolence and good-nature would promote a reflux; but it is checked. The law of mortmain directly helps to prevent the rich from permanently founding religious and charitable insti- tutions for the poor ; and it constitutes one great dissuasive ad- monition by the State against such devotion of property. See how it operates on religious institutions : the clergy are either strongly secularized by direct dependency on the State, or they are dragged down, uhder the "voluntary principle," by direct dependency on the multitude, to the level of advertising and com- peting traders : they tend to become politically subservient and despotical, or worshipers of mob-power—bodies of Orange-Tory parsons, or Repealers and Rebecca-preachers. By facilitating the permanent institution of religious and charitable bodies, this contaminating dependence on any one class might be avoided. Lord JOHN MANNERS'S motion was withdrawn, to be rediscussed, on ma- turer reflection, next session. It will be well to remember, that great checks upon abuse may in this age be found in the multi- plicity of objects for benevolence, which would neutralize the mo- nopolizing power of any set of dogmas, and in the stipulated power of visit by the State. Meanwhile, the discussion stands recorded as one indication of a reviving disposition to benefit the people by free bestowal—which constitutes the principle of well-meaning Conservatism, as opposed to the principle of Liberalism—to enable the people to benefit themselves. We are almost in the predicament of having forgotten the one before learning the other.
