fforetan anb eolontal.

ITALY.—The news from Naples and Sicily increases in importance. The accounts received during the present week give a more connected narrative of the course of events at Palermo, which is the heart of the revolution.

After a series of encounters between the people and the troops, from the 18th to the 15th January,—in which the troops, though they could not be dislodged, were hemmed in at their different quarters,—the Palermitans began to organize a Provisional Government. They appointed four Committees, to whose decrees implicit obedience was rendered—a Committee of Defence, under Prince Pantel- lana; of Finance, under the Marquis Rudini; of Supplies, under the Praetor of the city, the Marquis Spedalotto; of State affairs, under General Ruggiero Set- time. On the 13th, shells and round shot were fired upon the city from the fort of Castellamare, without any previous notice being given to allow the inoffensive portions of the inhabitants an opportunity of withdrawing. The Commander of

the British war-steamer Bulldog vainly applied to the King's Lieutenant for a suspension of hostilities; and on the 15th the matter was taken up by the Con- suls, who repaired to the palace of the Duke di Majo, and with difficulty got a

suspension of twenty hours. The interval was employed in shipping off the strangers, principally French. Matters continued in the same state till the threat of a general bombardment again called out the Consular body, who on the 19th signed a most energetic protest, denouncing the act as one of unnecessary bar- barity. The protest was circulated in French and Italian, and produced an ex- cellent effect. Negotiations were at the same time opened between the Marquis de Spedalotto and the Duke di Majo. The insurgents demanded the constitution of 1812, and the convocation of a Sicilian Parliament at Palermo. These de- mands were formally transmitted to Naples without loss of time. On the following day, the two frigates returned from Naples bringing four decrees issued by the Neapolitan Government on the 18th. Collectively, the decrees appointed two Councils of State, one in Naples, the other in Sicily, with deliberative but not legislative powers; established freely-elected Municipal Councils, with control over local expenditure, under the superintendence of the King's Government; decreed an administrative and judicial " repeal of the union" betweeu Naples and Sicily, and appointed Count D'Acquila to be Lieute- nant-General of Sicily with a separate Cabinet. These decrees were received at Palermo with great coldness, as unsatisfactory and uuguaranteed. The people stuck to their demands, and, through the Mar- quis Spedalotto, returned the following answer—" The Committee, the faithful interpreter of the firm resolution of the people, can only persist in the views al- ready transmitted to your Excellency through me; namely, that arms will not be laid down, nor hostilities suspended, until Sicily, united at Palermo in Parliament, shall adapt to our present epoch the constitution which our country possessed for many centuries, which was reformed in 1812, under the influence of England, and confirmed implicitly by Royal decree of December 11, 1816." There is very little news from other parts of the island. A movement attempted at Messina, on the 6th January, appears to have been repressed. The garrison of Montereale, a small town about two leagues from Pa- lermo, surrendered to the ienedictine Friars of the town, who had taken up arms! There is not much news from any other part of Italy. Letters from Lombardy, to the 26th January, represent a sort of reign of terror as pre- vailing at Milan. Several noblemen were arrested, and some were sent to secret imprisonment. Among others who were threatened, but succeeded

in escaping, was Signor Cesare Cantu, the celebrated writer. Upwards of four hundred citizens have been arrested by order of Radetsky. The more

robust have been conveyed to Trieste, to be employed in the Navy; the less effective have been transported without trial to Styria and Moravia, to work in the gallies. A communication from Venice, dated the 18th January, and published in Galignassi's Messenger, demonstrates the rapid progress of the new Liberal

faith. The feeling has been manifested in the hitherto quiet and dignified theatre La Fenice. In the libretto of Verdi's opera Macbeth, there are the following lines— "La pates tradlia

Ptangendo ne Invito Frateill I 011 oppress!

Contain° a saivarl" For ten consecutive nights this passage never failed to be encored, and was always accompanied with the most boisterous demonstrations of enthusiasm. A young Pole has been driven from the city for throwing on the stage a bouquet adorned with the Italian national colours in ribands. The excite- ment became intense on the receipt of the intelligence from Milan. Two young married ladies, the Countesses Giustiniani and Bentivoglio, went round in person begging alms for the families of the dead and wounded citizens of Milan. The ladies were afterwards received in the theatre with shouts of admiration. The day after the police demanded from the hus- bands of the ladies the money collected and a list of the contributors: the demand was refused; and when summoned a second time, Count Bentivoglio answered that the 6,000 francs were on the road to Milan, and that the list had been destroyed.

The Avocet° Manini, a man much respected, has imitated the course followed at Milan by Naaari. When called to account by the police, he declared his determination to demand reforms for his country. Warnings have been issued to a number of young Venetian noblemen, to be prudent; but none have been arrested.

FRANCE.—In. the Chamber of Deputies, on Saturday last, discussing the fifth paragraph of the sessional address, M. de Lamartine made an eloquent attack on the retrograde policy, miscalled " Conservative," adopted by the French Government in Italy.

The various notes inculcated but one thing—submission to the will of Austria. In the Chamber of Peers, recently, M. Guizot had said that there will be no sound reforms in Italy but those in which Austria cooperates. Voices from the Centre—" It was not the Minister who said that."

M. de Lamartine—" I ask pardon for having attributed to the honourable Mi- nister what Count Sainte-Aulaire said." Al. Guizot's words were—" The re- modelling of Italy will be a war with Austria." No doubt, M. Gnizot would point to another despatch of his to Count Rossi, in which the Count was told to announce to the Pope "that we will defend him against the reactionary and the revolutionary parties." It is not, however, a revolutionary spirit which animates Italy, but the sentiment of a nation awakening to liberty—the feeling that led to the Revolution of Jaly 1830. Reproaching the French Government with holding up the Italian Radicals to the animadversions of Europe, M. de Lamartine declared those "Radicals" to be the most faithful subjects of the emancipating Princes of Italy. But why did the French Government abandon the Italian cause ? Be- cause, hampered by the Spanish marriages, it had lost its free action. " Ever since that fatal contract, it has been necessary for France, contrary to the prece- dent of former ages, to become Ghibeline at 1.1e, sacerdotal at Berne, Austrian in Piedmont, Russian at Cracow, but French nowhere. I might still continue on this fruitful theme, but I desist. I do not call for any change in the wording of the paragraph, but I shall vote against it with heart and hand; and when the country has pondered over its meaning, it will declare against it just as energeti- Bally. (" Hear, hear!" from the Left.) I am glad to hear that responsive sound; for it tells me that the sympathy of the 1131111SC8 are with me in this mighty cause. That sympathy declares by my month to the Italian nation, Be- hind the Government of France there exists France herself, who applauds your efforts, and who will hail with heartfelt joy the resurrection of your country. " (Immense applause.) M. Guizot defended himself in a very " Austrian " speech. He set out by declaring, that by permanent and positive rights, he understood this—no revolution, no war. He granted that both wars and revolutions were sometimes legitimate and necessary. They were exceptional states, however, and should be promptly resolved when commenced, as they should be resolutely stemmed till unavoidable. He maintained that Government had supported the independence of the Italian states; and he felt bound to render justice to the con- duct of an allied power. Austria had thrown no obstacle in the way of the de- velopment of the independence of those states.

Being here interrupted by a great ironical outcry, M. Guizot exclaimed—" Is it not allowed to speak in this tribune of the conduct of an allied government ac- cused of being the enemy of all independence in Italy ? " He went on to declare what moderation was to be found in the principles of Austria. A Voice—"Ay, but how in her acts? Another—" And the massacres of Milan ?"

Guizot maintained that France, armed with the strength given her by the treaties of 1815, was at the full elevation of her destinies. If she had in 1815 lost the great conditions of liberty and power, she ought never to have accepted those treaties; but she did accept them— M. Thiers (with energy)—" We were obliged to submit to them." (Loud ap- probation on the Left.) M. Guizot—" What, gentlemen ! you consider it more honourable, more noble, to say that you were forced to submit to them? (Cries of " Yes, yes! " and agitation.) I hear honourable members on that side (pointing to the Left) ex- press opinions which shock me"— A Voice on the Left—" You shock us far more." ("Hear, hear!" and noise.) M. Guizot—" I demand that, as I respect your sentiments even when they of- fend me, you should respect mine."

M. Beaumont (de la Somme)—" Speak in your own name !"

M. Guizot—" I will never speak in yours." (Laughter from the Centre; agi- tation.) M. Gnizot—The peace of Italy is the peace of Europe. The struggle between Austria and Italy was the expulsion of Austria; and did they imagine that Austria in that struggle would be alone—or that either the Northern Powers, -whose interests are bound up with hers, would separate from her, or that even England would not range on her side ? The English Cabinet had notified to the Austrian, that it should not admit any change in the territorial status quo in Italy. This policy had met with categorical affirmation by each of the various Governments, when in the beginning of the Italian movement Austria had inti- mated that it would not interfere in the internal affairs of the Italian States, or oppose reforms, but would strenuously oppose all change of territory. When the debate was resumed, on Monday, M. Thiers entered the tri- bune, amidst great evidences of interest, and addressed the Chamber with animation.

He knew that the language there held was heard beyond the Alps, and that we should beware particularly of creating dangerous illusions: but there might be something far more culpable than the utterance of imprudent words—to re- main silent, and keep Italy in ignorance of our real sympathies with her. Let her no longer doubt the Drench nation • and impress on her, that in its present sentiments there remained no particle of that ambition which fifty years back led her to seek the conquest of Italy. She might well pardon that past offence for the sake of the eventual enfranchisement which it brought her. In parenthesis to his general remarks on French policy in Italy, M. Thiers de- voted a few words to the late occurrences in Sicily. You all know what is pas- sing at Palermo. A great city has been bombarded for eight-and-forty hours— bombarded not by foreigners, but by her own Government—bombarded not for injuries done, but for having demanded rights. Yes, the inhabitants demanded not anarchical and dangerous liberties, but the most equitable and most natural rights—that of being judged by impartial magistrates—of controlling the ex- penses of an Administration which weighs them down with taxes—of having certain municipal privileges—in fine, they demanded a constitution for Sicily. Such were the rights for demanding which Palermo was subjected to a forty-eight hours bombardment. In the name of humanity, I here denounce such acts. When the Austrians, to spare themselves the delay of a siege, bombarded Lisle— when England, for a similar reason, bombarded Copenhagen—a cry of indigna- tion rose high throughout all Europe. More recently, when the Regent Espartero, who bad rendered great services to his country, caused Barcelona to be similarly treated in order to repress an insurrection, persons of every party exclaimed loudly against the act. In what terms must then the present treatment of Pa- . lermo be designated ?"

In the eye of all the Cabinets of Europe, now upon Italy, there was the spec- tacle of a moral equilibrium to be maintained; all material questions were become moral ones; and in this great equilibrium Absolutist ideas and Liberal ideas were exercising. their tendencies. It was the duty of the French nation to watch over the just balance of these tendencies. In so doing, she must neither clandestinely nor violently impose liberties on countries which have them not. To impose a liberty unsought would be violence, and to impose it by propagandism would be perfidy. "But when liberty shall develop itself in any quarter, without any other participation on our part than Montesquieu, Descartes, Pascal, those sublime agi tators of human ideas, without any other complicity on our part than the taking of the Bastile, and the Revolution of .July—when revolution shall thus develop itself, it is sacred. (Applause.) It is sacred, and no one should interfere with it: to do so would be an attack against nature and against humanity. (Sensation.) We should not carry liberty into any quarter, but we ought not to suffer it to be molested when it comes spontaneously. ("Brano,brano!") No; France most not suffer it. That is the principle of our policy. You are acquainted with the events in Italy. It is we who have caused the events in Rome and those at Turin. You may see the genius of France in them, but nowhere her hand. Yes, we have led the world for the last fifty years or for longer still. We are the great crimi- nals, who have founded with Descartes freedom of thought—who with Bossuet founded the independence of the Church—who with Montesquieu fixed the eternal rights of the people. Yes, we are those great criminals, and we are not alone. England with Bacon, and Germany with Liebnitz, have also committed their crimes. But we are the most criminal; and may others soon partake in this criminality In the recent events, however, in Rome, Turin, and Florence, France had had no hand! Treaties had been spoken of: though these must doubtless be observed, nothing could prevent their being detested. The real question had been dissembled with admirable address. Territorial remodelling was not the point at issue. Abstain from overturning yourself, Italy, and prevent Austria from intrusion. Cause

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Austria to withdraw from Modena, and insist on respect for treaties. Absolutism and Liberalism must be made to tolerate each other's vicinity. Had it not been for an enormous fault committed, there would have been two nations united to- gether to make her do so: he meant the Spanish marriages, the results of which were increasingly evident and unfortunate. After ceding the most important points to England to secure her alliance, that alliance had been abandoned at last for an interest which he was at a loss to qualify. (Great agitation.) But the Chamber had been given to believe that England had on the question of territory come to the resistance of Austria—had made promises of maintenance, and acted as a Northern Power would. The reply of England really was, that not only the territories of states, but also the prerogatives a governments and the freedom of the people of each states to modify internal institutions, must be respected; and that she was ready to oppose by force any infringement of such free prerogatives. Did this language agree with that ascribed to England by the President of the Council? The position of England on this occasion was one to be emulated; and had France joined her in her intention to stand before Austria, what danger world there have been? The question, therefore, is not one of remodelling territory, but of protecting the independence of states; and that independence it is our duty to guarantee and protect as our own interests. He exclaimed to Italy—" Be united. Tuscans, Romans, Genoese, Piedmontese, and Neapolitans, form yourselves into one great fam4 People and Princes, be united. The altar of the country should be at this mo- ment for the whole of Italy; the altar of concord on which your Princes should place all that can no longer be reconciled with the spirit of the age, and you, people, all your premature hopes. When you shall thus understand each other, be united state to state; have at Rome one Pontiff; let Charles Albert declare himself in Piedmont the champion of your independence; and if yon are ever at- tacked, reckon on France, whose glory is of ancient date, but whose heart never grows old." The speech of M. Thiers was concluded amidst such general applause and adhesion that M. Gnizot rose and attempted to lessen its effect.

After disposing, with tact and dignity of a figurative imputation aimed per- sonally at lnmself, he declared that on many of the most essential of the great variety of the topics of the speech just heard there was perfect agreement between DL Thiers and the Government. In his expressions of sympathy, he uttered the sentiments of the Government as well as his own. But the honourable Deputy had naturally a greater licence of observation in the tribune than the members of the Government had speaking from their official stations. " Were that honourable gentleman in my place and I in his, I am certain that he would be as apprehensive as I that brute force—or, to call it by its proper name, war—should step in to trouble the work now being accomplished in Italy. It is because I am as desirous as M. Thiers that these reforms should gain strength—that nothing should be compromised in Europe—that I have followed the policy which is now attacked." IL Thiers had reduced the question to two points; he says we ought to maintain completely the independence of the Italian states and afford support to those encouraging internal reforms. On these two points M. Guizot was in per- fect harmony with M. Thiers, and affirmed that the rule of conduct of his Go- vernment had been drawn from these very two principles. In despatches sent to all the Government-agents he had enforced the right of each state to regulate by itself all its internal affairs; and he did not here mean only administrative affairs and reforms, but also political reforms, whenever the states themselves thought right to operate them; though the Government did not feel called to indicate and initiate any reforms of either sort. He too agreed that France should watch the daily changes in the balance of power in favour of free States, and that on every decease of Absolutism a chance was gained for France. Every natural attempt to recover liberty was of advantage to France; but only on condition that it were successful, and that from it regular and durable government arose. With regard to Parma and Modena, the Government of France saw in each of those interventions by Austria facts proper for the most serious complaint. But all facts were but relatively important; and he quoted M. Thiers himself (from a pamphlet published in 1831) as authority that the same thing might not be pressed to open rapture for Bologna or Modena which might and should be risked for Belgium. With regard to the encouragement of reforms, he referred to documents presented to the Chamber forproof that herein the Government had been even with M. Thiers's requisitions. The King's Government would, everywhere and always, maintain the independence of the Italian states. " There was scarcely anything which M. Thiers had mentioned but what the Government was ready to do. He felt bound to tell the Chamber, that the advice given by the honourable Deputy had been already acted upon. He might, perhaps, be more popular in Italy; but the conduct of the Government in the Italian states has been, on every point, in conformity to the true interests of the country and those of humanity."

The other speeches in the debate were of minor interest. On Wednesday, M. Thiers followed up his attacks on the Government by a speech on Swiss affairs, admitted by all parties, whether friends or foes, to be the most brilliant and powerful he has ever delivered. He com- menced with an historical review of the constitution of Switzerland ; then an attack on the Sonderbund, and on the policy pursued by the French Government in supporting it. The Swiss question was to France a ques- tion of frontier. France has the strongest interest in preserving the neu- trality of Switzerland, and yet she does what she can to provoke foreign intervention. This speech made a great impression, and is understood to have been very damaging to M. Guizot.

The Paris correspondent of the Morning Chronicle mentions, that the projected visit of the Prince and Princess de Joinville to Algiers has been rather suddenly abandoned, and that they are to set off forthwith for the Brazils; where they are to remain for a time not specified. The change is at- tributed to a misunderstanding with the King; the Prince having expressed too warm an interest in the popUlar movement in Italy: this created first a coldness, and then a rapture, ending in a violent altercation. The Queen has interfered as mediator, but without success.

DExmaan.—King Frederick the Seventh has commenced his reign in a manner to win popularity: in the proclamation announcing his accession to the throne, he declared that he would continue the work of his father, and would give to the country the new institutions which Were prepared last year by direction of the late King. A graceful act of clemency fol- lowed: on the 24th January, a Royal decree was promulgated for at once cancelling and annulling all proceedings then pending in any of the Danish courts for offences of a political character.

The announcement of the King's death had caused much excitement in the Datchies of Schleswig and Holstein; but public order had not been disturbed.

Galignanis Messenger describes the course which the succession trust take in the event of the present King's death without children- " Prince Ferdinand, brother to the late King, is fifty-eight years of age; he is married to the eldest daughter of King Frederick VI., and has no children; he will be the presumptive heir to the throne. After him, should the present King not marry again, or have no children, the crown would pass to Prince Frederick, eldest son of the Landgravine of Hesse, eldest sister to the late King. It is this Prince who married the Grand Dutchess, daughter of the Emperor Nicholas, who died three years back. His accession will lead to a forced solution of the question of the separation of Holstein from the crown of Denmark; a question raised at the end of 1846 by a rescript of King Christian VIII., and which has so much agitated men's minds in the Dutchies and in Germany."

UNITED STATES. — Intelligence has been brought by the Caledonia from New York to the 14th, and from Halifax to the 17th January. The all-absorbing topic was the Ten Regiments Bill; which was making but slow progress through Congress.

Mr. Clay had received a brilliant reception at Washington.

From Mexico the accounts are by no means clear. President Ansys had is3ne i a decree forbidding the holding of elections in any part of the

republic occupied by American troops. General Scott had issued orders announcing that the United States army was about to spread over and occupy the whole republic of Mexico, to hold possession until Mexico sues for peace upon terms acceptable to the United States. All fines heretofore payable to the Mexican Government are demanded to support the army.

Accounts from Santa FoS describe the discipline of the United States forces as very bad; constant difficulties growing out of insubordination.

There was still a rumour that General Scott had been recalled.

CaNaDa.—The local journals are occupied with the elections, to the exclusion of all other matter. Up to the 6th January, the result showed a return of 21 Ministerialists, 19 Opposition, and one doubtfuL M. Papi- nean had been returned for St. Maurice; Messrs. La Fontaine and Holmes for [Montreal.

WEST INDIES.—There have been two arrivals from the West Indies this week; the steamers Teviot and Avon having both brought mails. Diges- tions effects resulted from the stoppage of the West India Bank. A pre- liminary meeting of proprietors had been held at Barbados, and a committee had been appointed to investigate the apparently lax conduct of the mana- gers. Jamaica, Trinidad, St. Vincent, Tobago, and Antigua, were all suffering from the suspension, and from the want of specie.

The islands generally were healthy, and the weather was genial.

CAPE OF GOOD Horn.—Accounts from Cape Town, to the 4th De- cember, mention the safe arrival in the Vernon frigate of Sir Harry Smith with his family. He was received with great enthusiasm on landing; and was escorted to Government House, where he took the oaths. Addresses were presented from various quarters, and the town was brilliantly illumi- nated at night.

The news from the frontier is important. Colonel Somerset had effected the passage of the Kye in pursuit of Pato; who disappointed in getting shelter from Kreli, had been obliged to recross the river, and was so closely pursued by the British troops that his surrender was fully expected. About four hundred cattle had been captured in the pursuit; but the service was found very severe for the men.

Iran.—The news brought by the overland mail still owes its interest to the commercial disclosures. At Bombay, up to the 1st January, there had been but one other failure, in the house of Syers, Livingston, and Co. The accounts from Calcutta, which are to the 22d December, mention the stoppage of the firms of Colville, Gilmore, and Co., and B. T. Ford and Co. Although it was generally believed that more houses must go, the panic is said to have ceased. Money was said to be " tight, but not scarce."

Meetings of creditors of the principal firms, whose failures were an- nounced by the last mail, had been held, and the estates generally promised well for the creditors; the chief houses showing a balance of assets over liabilities. The Union Bank shareholders had also had a meeting, and it was expected that after paying all the demands in fall, there would be a sufficient balance left out of the capital to recommence business.

The markets at Bombay continued in the same condition; the import market being in a quiet though healthy state, the export market depressed. The state of the Calcutta markets was less favourable.

Of political news there is none. Lord Hardinge arrived at Calctitta on the 11th December, after an absence of two years and a half. He would there await the arrival of Lord Dalhousie. The Punjaub and Scinde were tranquil; and except in Goomsoor, where the disturbances continued, all was peace throughout our Indian possessions. The Supreme Government had sanctioned a yearly expenditure of 10,0001. for the establishment of tea-plantations on the Beas; and the Governor of Hong-kong had been requested to provide the necessary seed and plants from China.