SPECTATOR'S LIBRARY.

AIITOBI0oRLPEY,

The Dispatches and Letters of Tice-Admiral Lord Viscount Nelson ; with Notes by Sir Nicholas Harris Nicolas, (.C.DLO. The third volume—January 1798 to August 1799 Colburn. TRAVELS, Sere's, the Youngest Member of the European Faintly: or a Residence in Belgrade, and Travels In the Highlands and Woodlands of the Interior, during the years 1843 and 1844. By Andrew Archibald Paton, Esq., Author of " The Modern Syrians." MILITARY ANECDOTE, Longman and CO. Hints to a Soldier on Service. By W. H. Maxwell, ESQ.. Anther of "Stories of Wateriet" "The Bivouac," &c. In two volumes aro*.

THE NELSON DISPATCHES.

Tim third volume of this collection embraces no more than twenty months—from January 1798 to August 1799 ; the greater quantity compared with the same space of time in any former period, arising partly from the more extensive business in which Nelson was engaged, partly from the acquisition of his Letter or Order-book—" manuscript volumes, containing a full copy of all his public and of many of his private letters, and of every order issued by him," which have been placed at the dis- posal of Sir Harris Nicolas by their possessor, Mr. Croker. The chief topics or events are the battle of theNile ; the violation of Cardinal Ruffo's capitulation with the revolters at Naples, and the execution of Caraccioli ; together with the general business in which Nelson was engaged during the whole period of his self-detention at Naples and Sicily, from September 1798 to the following August. As neither the battle of the Nile, the rup- ture of the capitulation, nor the execution of Caraccioli, is very fully treated in the letters, Sir Harris enters into an elaborate consideration of each, with a collection of all existing documents that throw any light upon the matter. The great number of letters relating for the most part to similar sub- jects, and those matters of detail, renders this volume somewhat less attractive than its predecessors; but they are equally characteristic of the transparency and nature of the man. At the same time, they exhibit the great commander, uniting in himself the functions of admiral, war 6minister,and statesman, in a less complete light,—unless we are to excuse weaknesses upon the plea which Sir Harris intimates in a note, that the wound in the head, which Nelson sustained at the Nile, occasionally affected his temper and his mind. In this volume Nelson's vanity and self-laudation rise to an extreme which nothing but the real greatness of the hero and his obvious openness and sincerity prevent from sinking into burlesque. His self-opinion—which seems to hold every one wrong who differs with him, by the mere fact of the difference—is almost obtru- sively apparent at times, as wel las his total disregard of all rights which he does not deem rights ; being the exact vice of the Jacobins he was opposing. His deficiency in a largely comprehensive judgment, when military and political combinations based upon an estimate of national character were in issue, may also be deduced ; and his language, espe- cially in the use of strong epithets, is sometimes not only unbecoming his high command, but unappropriate to the things they are applied to. His weakness in yielding his- judgment, if not of sacrificing his public duty, to the flatteries of royalty, the blandishments of courts, and the fetes and mummeries of the Neapolitan intriguers, is painfully clear. If all this does not appear in the volume for the first time, the additional proofs in the number of new letters, and the force with which, in the absence of all diverting matter, it is impressed upon the mind, give great value to the volume, both of an historical and a biographical kind. It is probable that Napoleon's invasion of Egypt had changed the scene of the war, and rendered that country the true point of attack, especially on the part of England. This to some extent was Nelson's own opinion : but he underrated the genius and power of the enemy, and overrated the effect of his own exploit ; deeming that the battle of the Nile had para- lyzed the army, instead of cramping its operations. Insufficient fares, in the want of bomb-vessels, &c., prevented him from destroying the fleet of French transports in Alexandria after the battle; and land operations (undertaken by our War Ministry nearly three years- after) were obviously dependent upon the authorities at home. But, after refitting his shattered fleet at Naples, did he do his best to en- gage the enemy on his vulnerable point ? We fear the conclusion must be that he did not. Having occupied six weeks at Naples in refitting,—for which time he offers in excuse the completeness with which every thing was done,—instead of carrying his fleet to Egypt to superintend in person the maritime destruction of the enemy, he left the blockade to a detachment ; himself remaining at Naples on the request of the King, and continuing there on repeated solicitations of the Queen. Nay, to such a length did his weakness carry him, that he gave the Queen a promise under his own hand not to leave her • a something more than military impropriety, for we conceive it a military crime, as pledging himself to conduct that might be inconsistent with his duty. Nor was it a mere inoperative document. Lord Keith, who succeeded Lord St. Vincent in the command of the Mediterranean fleet, found that a junction had taken place between the French and Spanish armaments. He of course went in search of them; ordering Lord Nelson to sail with his whole fleet, or, if that was not practicable, to send a detachment to the defence of Minorca, then in our possession. This Nelson positively re- fused to do : he would neither quit Naples nor send a single ship ; be- cause if he did he must withdraw seamen from two inland fortresses held by the French, which the Neapolitan army were then besieging, and the cowardly Italians would not act if the British auxiliaries were withdrawn. For this disobedience he was censured by the Admiralty, as well as for employing seamen at a distance from the fleet. No doubt, excuses may be found for all this, as for anything else. But Nelson himself admits that he gave up his own plan (of pro- ceeding to Egypt) at royal request ; hoping, trusting, or expect. ing that the Russians and Turks would attend to Egypt,—as if they could cope with Napoleon and the French, when be admits that neither he nor the enemy would take any account of Portuguese, Neapolitan, or Venetian men-of-war. He also hoped, first to preserve Naples to the Royal Family, then to recover it; though it was clear that if Napoleon Could be captured or his army destroyed, the moral effect on Europe would produce results far beyond Naples. Nor did any solid basis exist for cooperation : English interests were sacrificed to a sentiment, and a weak one. We have it under his own hand, that the Neapolitan finances were dilapidated, the treasury empty, but two honest men in the public service, the nobility and gentry dissatisfied, the courtiers treacherous, the people uncertain, and the King weak if not absolutely a traitor; and here is his own character of the army.

u TO EARL SPENCER.

("Letter-book.)

" Naples, 11th December 1798. " My dear Lord—The Queen has again made me promise not to quit her and her family till brighter prospects open upon her. She is miserable, we know. None from this house have seen her these three days; but her letters to Lady Hamilton paint the anguish of her soul. However, on inquiry, matters are not so bad as I expected. The Neapolitan officers have not lost much honour, for God knows they had but little to lose; but they lost all they had. Mack has supAi- cated the King to sabre every man who ran from CivitI Castellana to Rome. He has, we hear, torn off the epaulettes of some of these scoundrels, and placed them on good sergeants. I will, as briefly as I can, state the position of the army, and its lost honour, for defeat they have had none. The right wing, of nineteen thou- sand men, under General St. Philip and Michaux, (who ran away at Toulon,) were to take post between Ancona and Rome, to cut off all supplies and communi- cation. Near Fermi they fell in with the enemy, about three thousand. After a little distant firing, St. Philip advanced to the French General, and returning to his men, said, I no longer command you'; and was going off to the enemy. A sergeant said, You are a traitor: what! have you been talking to the enemy? ' St. Philip replied, I no longer command you.' Then, you are an enemy. i.' and, levelling his musket, shot St. Philip through the right arm. How- ever the enemy advanced: he was among them. Michaux ran away, as did all i the nfantry- and had it not been for the good conduct of two regiments of ca- valry, would have been destroyed. So great was their panic, that cannon, tents, baggage, and military chest, all were left to the French. eould you credit, but it 18 true, that this loss has been sustained with the death of only forty men? The French lost many men by the cavalry; and, having got the good things, did not run after an army three times their number. Some ran thirty miles, to Pesara. The peasantry took np arms—even the women—to defend their . country. However, the runaways are not only collected, but advanced to Arcoti, which they took from the French, cutting open the gates with hatchets. It is said they have got a good general—Cetto, a Neapolitan Prince—and I hope will be ashamed of their former conduct. General Michaux is bringing a prisoner to Naples. " This failure has thrown Mack backward. It is the intention of the General to surround Civitt Castellani:. Chevalier De Saxe advanced to Viterbi; General Metch [ 7] to Fermi; and Mack, with the main body, finding his communication not open with Fermi, retreated towards Civint Castellana. In his route he was attacked from an intrenchment of the enemy, which it was necessary to carry. Finding his troops backward, he dismounted, and attempted to rally them: but they left their General, and basely fled. The natural consequence was, he was sorely wounded; but saved by some gallant cavalry, and carried off by the bravely of a coachman; and is safe, poor fellow, at Rome, and hopes are entertained of his recovery. The fugitives fled to Rome, fancying the French at their heels, who never moved from their intrenchment; which was carried by another party of troops, under General Dumas. It is reported that the King has stripped the Prince Di Taranto, Duc Di Trani, of his uniform, and disgraced him. He com- manded under Saxe, and fled among the first to Rome. 'Tie -for the traitorous and cowardly conduct of these scoundrels that the great Queen is miserable, knowing not who to trust."

As regards Nelson's conduct on the capitulation and the execution of Caraccioli, the documents and statements in the volume seem, in essen- tials, to leave the previous judgment of mankind on those dark transac- tions unshaken : the facts of which, with respect to the capitulation, were as follows.

On the advance of the French, subsequent to the affair narrated in the preceding extract, and the insurrection of the disaffected, the King and Royal Family stole away secretly on board the Vanguard ; leaving the throne as "vacant " as ever it was left by our James the Second. The French and the " Patriots " set up a republic ; but the Austrian and Russian advance into Italy, coupled with the folly and exactions of the Jacobins, produced a reaction. The Calabrians revolted; and were headed by Cardinal Ruffo, to whom the King delegated his authority. Success attended this outbreak : the Cardinal advanced ; the forts of Nuovo and trove were besieged; and capitulated, under ten articles, of which the moat important were,

" Article 1 Persons and pro , both moveable and immoveable, of every in- dividual of the two garrisons, s all respected and guaranteed. Article 5. All the said individuals shall have their choice of embarking on board of cartels, which shall be furnished them to go to Toulon, or of remaining at Naples, without being molested either in their persons or families.

" Article 6. The conditions contained in the present capitulation are common to every person of both sexes now in the forts."

The capitulation was signed by Cardinal Ruffo, and the Turkish and _Russian negotiators, on the 22d June, and by Captain Foote early on the 23d. Next day Nelson arrived at Naples ; set aside the capitulation, in defiance of the remonstrances and resistance of Cardinal Ruffo ; made the French prisoneri of war ; packed all the Neapolitans on board some transports ; and subsequently handed the hapless wretches over to the royal authorities, when no fewer than seventy were executed. The apologies alleged for this needless breach of faith are-1. That Nelson held a superior authority over Ruffo—in fact, represented the King. Of this there is no proof either by commission or previous publication ; nor indeed is there much further presumption than already existed in the open facts—the obedience shown to Nelson's orders with- out remonstrance except by Ruffo, the title and estate immediately after- wards bestowed upon him by the King, and the immolation of the seventy unfortunates to gratify the royal vengeance. But surely the conduct of a British officer is not to be defended on the ground that it met the views of a weak and angry foreign potentate, animated by Italian vengeance fermenting in Spanish blood : it is his function to restrain the vices and follies of such persons, not to pander to them. 2. That Cardinal Ruffo exceeded, or rather disobeyed his instructions. Of which there is no proof; and the presumption is perhaps less than in the former case. 3.The capitulation was not begun to be carried into effect at Nelson's arrival. In warfare, the distinction may have some show of reason so far as this—that the garrison may be in no worse plight than before ; though it is not in itself an excuse for voiding an agreement not other- wise voidable. But in the present instance, how could prisoners cooped up in fortresses procure transports to carry themselves and their effects to France ?

4. That by the law of nations all engagements are liable to be set aside by supreme or superior authority. As this application of the law involves an important principle, it requires more detailed scrutiny.

The necessity of ratification to give validity to a treaty is well known ; and the reason is obvious. If negotiators could bind their principals without their consent or even knowledge, they might dismember or de- stroy states by treachery, and by treachery bought by the enemy's bribes.

The rule of military capitulations is not so clear, unless where there is

obvious treachery or absurdity upon the face, such as vitiates individual agreements in our Chancery. Men of high and chivalrous honour have held to them, however disadvantageous ; and where some necessity—the principle which lurks at the bottom of the whole law—seems to compel their violation, it has not passed without remark. Alison, we think, comments upon the breach of faith with St. Cyr at Dresden. But in that case, and the case of Rapp, there was the overruling necessity of self-preservation. The number of veteran soldiers under therm command- ers was between thirty and forty thousand : had they been returned to Napoleon instead of being detained as prisoners of war, they might and probably would have turned the balance against the Allies in the campaign of 1814, when it once or twice hung trembling. But what necessity was there in the case of the few Frenchmen in these two Neapolitan forts? or of the Neapolitan Republicans ? The French, however, were not the object : the capitulation was violated to get at the rebels.

And these men, we conceive, were under a totally different construc-

tion—the difference between personal and public. In the capitulation of troops, they have the state that employs them to look to as a dernier ressort in the case of unjustifiable breaches of agreement; or rather, it is the state's business altogether. They also know the worst that can happen if the capitulation be violated—their imprisonment till peace or an exchange. But political offenders are at mercy. They haVe no ulterior power to appeal to ; their all is at stake; and in this case they sacrificed nearly all excepting their lives, for practically their treaty

i banished them. To tell men in such a plight, who stipulate for their lives with the representative of the state, that a superior force is now present, and the person they treated with exceeded some secret instruc- tions, is so shocking to the common feeling of mankind, that instinct overpowers all the arts of logic. This is so felt by governments with any pretension to good faith, that the condition of felons participant in atrocious crimes is mitigated if any agreement has been made with them by persons with any colour of authority. Even avowed tyrants have scrupled to set aside the acts of officers in command. The pardons Kirke Bold (as it was said) were so far supported by James the Second that he did not pursue the individuals; contenting himself with directing Kirke not to free any more from custody.

But even were the matter in accordance with a strict letter of the law, instead of being, as- we think, very doubtful at least, we do not see that it alters the case. The executions of Jeffreys during his Bloody Assize were mostly legal enough. He might have hanged ten times the number that he did, could he have got hold of them ; for there is no doubt but that all Monmouth's followers at Sedgemoor were guilty of high treason.

As regards the execution of Caraccioli, Sir Harris Nicolas impresses

the fact of his not being included in the capitulation, more distinctly, but with little effect upon the character of what Southey calls "the disgrace- ful story." He also succeeds in disproving some idle melodramatic tales, not consistent with Nelson's nature, and scarcely probable in any officer of rank ; and he endeavours to show that Nelson bad no communication with Lady Hamilton upon the subject. This fact may be true ; but the whole tenour of his letters proves that he was completely under the fascination of the Sicilian Court—spell-bound.

We need not, however, resort to any direct female influence to re- solve his conduct. Both Nelson and Troubridge had worked themselves into a frame of mind against " the Jacobins," which, had power and op- portunity favoured, would have induced them to establish a reign of terror against the Terrorists. A Neapolitan Royalist had killed a "rebel" as he "was running away" : he cut the head off, and sent it, just severed, as a present to Troubridge. The letter with which this ruffian accompanied his gift was endorsed by Troubridge as that of a "jolly fellow." The Captain transmitted an account of the pleasantry to the Admiral, and said he would have sent the head but for the heat. And Nelson seems to enjoy the facetiousness ; though the alleged levities of the Committee of Public Safety, in the absence of the austere Robespierre, hardly surpass this.

But it is not one single instance only : the Jacobinical spirit of death to opponents pervades their correspondence; though Troubridge (leas under influence, perhaps) is more careful of appearances. He bad (in April) undertaken an expedition against the Neapolitan Islands, and had succeeded, when he writes thus- " The whole of the chief Jacobins are quarrelling about their honesty. r harejust received an account that a priest named Albavena is preaching up revolt in Ischia: I have sent sixty Swiss and three hundred loyal subjects to hunt ; and shall have him, I expect, dead or alive, today. I pray your Lordship to send an honest Judge here to try these miscreants on the spot, that sorneproper examples may be made. Two p. m.—Pray press the Court to send the Judge by the return of the Perseus, as it will be impossible to go on else; the villains increase so fast on my hands, and the people are coiling for justice: eight or ten of them must be hung.

To which Nelson replies- " My dear Trowbridge, many thanks for your letters by the Persons, and for the good news you have sent us. May God ever give you that success which your high merit deserves 1 We go to the Queen this , where all your letters are already gone; and I have pressed for flour: every g which the islanders want, must and shall be instantly sent. Money, 5001., is sent you. I well know, from experience, that all ships ought to have money on board. I have drawn on the Victualling Board; therefore you will procure proper vouchers,—that is, as near as circumstances will permit, receipt and price paid. The universal joy over Palermo for this first success (which I really look upon as the near forerunner of the fate of Naples) is as great as can be wished. I shall finish when I return from the Palace.

" Just come from the Queen and Acton. Every provision asked for will begin to be loaded tomorrow. Minerve shall bring the troops and Judge. Send me word some proper heads are taken off: this alone will comfort me. With kind- ness remember me to all with you, and believe me your affectionate Nmsord!.

Troubridge continues to write almost day by day, (and writes capitally,) to give an account of his proceedings. It will be seen by his Italics in the second of the following extracts, that he had more nautical pride. than his Court-ridden commander when he had Caraccioli tried on board his own

fiag-shiP.

" April 18th.—The Judge made an offer, two days since, if I wished it, to pass

sentence; but hinted that it would not be regular on some. I declined having .anything to do with it. By his conversation, I found his instructions were to go through it in a summary manner, and under me. I told him the latter must be a mistake, as they were not British subjects. The trials are curious; frequently the culprit is not present: however, he assures me he shall soon have done with (hem al I doubt it much. The Odium, I find, is intended to be thrown on us.

I will outmanceuvre him there, and push him hard too." • • •

" 7th May 1799.—My Lord, I have just had a long conversation with the Judge. He tells me he shall finish his business next week; and that the custom with his profession is to return home the moment they have condemned. He says he must be embarked immediately, and hinted at a man-of-war. I found also, from his conversation, that the priests must be sent to Palermo, to be disgraced ley the King's order, and then to be returned for execution to this place. An English man-of-war to perform all this!—at the same time making application to me for a hangman; which I positively refused. If none could be found here, I desired he would send for one from Palermo. I see their drift: they want to make US the principals, and to throw all the odium upon us. I cannot form the least idea of their law-process, as carried on against the prisoners; for the culprits are Aeldom present while the trial is proceeding. By the Judge's account, he is making a rapid progress: some of the villains are very rich." It may be said that these opponents were Jacobins and rebels, and That Nelson and Troubridge firmly believed they were doing their duty. But all arguments of this kind finally resolve themselves into Warburton's definition of orthodoxy and heterodoxy. The more respectable Jacobins believed that their opponents were tyrants and oppressors, and that the guillotine was only doing its duty ; a view in which they were supported by.a respectable public opinion, as we learn from Romilly's journal. In all religions persecutions, many of the actors may have been conscientious enough ; there is no doubt about "bloody Mary." It is also true that there was no coldness or hypocrisy about these naval men, but a trans- parent frankness, that gave " the worst of thoughts the worst of words," and a simplicity that often raises a smile : but such was equally the -case with the better Revolutionists of France. True it is, too, that the conduct of each class was more respectable and less revolting than that which permitted the atrocities of Badajoz and St. Sebastian. But the principle of action, lurking at the bottom, was the substitution of will prompted by feeling, for definite rides of right ; and this feeling is just as likely to be passion, or prejudice, or hatred, as any worthier impulse. In the excitement of action and the pressure of interest, these motives are but too certain to have sway : but to uphold them in theory, would go to sap the principles of morality, and render crime dependent npon something other than itself.