Debates anb ikotetbings in Varliameni.

COLONIZATION FOR IRELAND.

In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, the Earl of LINCOLN moved the following resolution-

" That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that she will take into her most gracious consideration the means by which colonization may be made subsidiary to other measures for the improvement of the social condition of Ireland; and by which, consistently with full regard to the interests of the Colonies themselves the comfort and prosperity of those who emigrate may be effectually promoted." At the commencement of his speech, Lord Lincoln emphatically and earnestly disclaimed all party feelings and objects. His object was really and simply, to induce the Government to ascertain, by means of an unpaid Commission of able and competent men, in what way colonization may best be connected with the relief of Ireland.

He did not mean to advocate any particular plan out of the many which had been brought forward within the last twenty-five years, or to bring forward any new plan. The inquiry ought to embrace three points,—whether colonization can be made available to the relief and benefit of those who shall remain in Ire- land; whether it can be made conducive to the increased happiness of those who may leave the country; and thirdly, whether it can be carried out consistently with the interests and feelings of the Colonies themselves. He spoke of coloniza- tion as distinct from emigration; for he would not be concerned in bringing for- ward any measure which should be justly characterized as what Mr. Charles Buller aptly called a "shovelling out of paupers." Rather than that, he should think it more humane to leave the Irish people in their present condition to starve and perish. He did not advocate colonization as a panacea, but as an auxiliary with other measures especially the Poor-law, which had received the sanction Cl the Legislature. de regarded colonization as being in some sense similar to bleeding in the human frame—a depletion not merely for present relief, but to assist the operation of other remedies. What are the statesmanlike objects of the Poor-law in Ireland? Lord John Russell advocated it as giving a stimulus to the employment of labour. It is also desirable as giving an increased security to life and property, without which you eannot have that great requisite of Ireland, capital. Stimulate it artificially as much as you will, by Treasury loans and grants and the like, without the se- curity of life and property capital will never flow into that country; and Ireland must still proceed in the miserable vicious circle of pauperism and crime. Now it is impossible that the Poor-law, unaided, can accomplish those legitimate ob- jects. To show this Lord Lincoln read passages describing the condition of Ireland, from the Report of the Commission of Inquiry in 1836. The Commis- sion described the redundancy of agricultural labour—in the ratio of about five to two as compared with England; the low earnings; the miserable condition of the people, living in wretched hovels, sleeping on straw or the bare ground, with or without a blanket to cover them; feeding, perhaps scantily, on potatoes. During thirty weeks of the year, at least 585,000 labourerst making with their dependents a gross number of 2,885,000, are out of work and in distress. That was the report in 1836: at present it would not be too much to estimate the number of destitute unemployed at 2,500,000. Estimating their maintenance at only is. 6d. per week, that would give 187,5001. a week, or for the thirty weeks, 5,625,0001. The average of the county-cess amounts to 1,158,3271.; making, with the sum just cited, 6,783,3271., or more than half of the annual rental rated to the poor, namely 13,404,403/. Surely Fir George Grey's calculation, that the cost of maintaining the poor would not exceed 2,000,0001. a year, could hardly be justified? The first effect of the Poor-law would probably be to diminish the means of employment, unless some additional measures were brought in aid of it. From a return made in 1843, he found that the total number of persons rated to the relief of the poor was 1,139,692; and of that number, those rated under 4/. was 553,939. Now the effect he anticipated would be produced by two causes: under the new Poor-law, the landlords are re- sponsible for the rates at and below 41.; they will therefore be more than ever anxious to consolidate their farms and place them in the hands of tenants rated above 41.: the clause which denies relief to persons holding land will also have a tendency to make persons give up their land, and so to increase the number of paupers. It might not be quite fair, perhaps, to cite the relief given under the La- bour-rate Act and the Soup-kitchens Act, which was originally under-estimated; but he had a right to quote a return obtained by Mr. Osborne, for 1841. He found that in 1841 the Poor-law valuation in the Westport Union was 38,876E; population, 77,952 or 10s. 6d. per head; Glenties Union, valuation, 16,3301.; population 43,571, or 7s. 6d. per head. It must be remembered that these valuations were made under the system of potato-culture. Now in England we consider rent as constituting one third of the produce of the land; one third going to the farmer as profit, one third for labour and maintenance of the farm. Taking that calculation as a basis, the whole produce would, in the case of Westport, give only 30s. per head, and in Glentiea even less. It would therefore be impossible in these unions, or in similar cases, to maintain the people out of the poor-rates: in future they must be provided for by further advances from this country, or by some measure auxiliary to the Poor-law. Now what measures have Government produced in aid of the Irish Poor-law? They have produced five,—the 1,500,0001. loan to landlords for the improvement of estates; the 1,000,000/. for the reclamation of waste lands; the bill to facilitate the sale of estates. the advance of 50,0001. for piers and harbours; the advance of 620,0001. for three railways. Of these, the reclamation of waste lands had been abandoned by Government, he thought wisely. At first the-bill to facilitate the

sale of estates will throw a large quantity of land into the market, and will thus reduce the value of laud, at the same time that anxiety about the new tax to be imposed on land will indispose persons to invest money in that description of pro- perty. The beneficial effects of the measure, therefore, great as he believed they would ultimately be, would not at first be felt. There remained therefore only the three money-grants. In the present state of extreme distress among Irish land- lords, it is probable that the loan to that class will be taken chiefly by those who least need it—who having English estates or property in the Funds will be able to pay the annual instalments. He would assume, however, that a million of it would be spent in the first year: to what extent would the expen- diture of that sum relieve pauperism? The wages of a labourer at 7s. a week would be 181, 14s. a year; and at that rate the million would support not quite 55,000 persons. The Piers anti Harbours Bill would give employment to 2,750 labourers. As to the railway grant, taking the highest calculation made in previous debates, 620,0001. would employ 40,000 persons. Altogether, the three money-grants would employ 97,750 persons, say in round numbers 300,000 persons; making, with their families, 500,000, to be deducted from those dependent on the poor-rates of the country. That would leave two millions of destitute persons for thirty weeks in the year. He had now gone through all the measures which Government proposed in aid, as he termed it, of the Poor-law.

Now comes the question, how far colonization may be regarded as one and a prominent means of effecting the improved condition of Ireland ? Lord John Russell anticipated from the Poor-law a stimulus to employment in the enlace- lion of the land. That movement, however, would appear to be impossible, so long as there obtains in Ireland that minute division of Troperty which now pre- vails in most parts. He had already shown that half the persons rated to the relief of the poor in Ireland pay rents under 4/. a year; but this point may be more strongly illustrated by other figures. The Census Commissioners of 1841 thus exhibit the general state of Ireland—

The population 8,174,266 Acres of surface of Ireland 20,808,271 Of these—arable 13,464,300 waste 6,290,000 Remainder, towns, plantations, and under water.

Number of persons holding land 935,448 Of these persons holding from 1 to 50 acres 834,574 From 1 to 10 acres 505,173

From 1 to 5 acres 317,264

Not more than 1 acre 135,314

In the recent Correspondence of the Board of Works on Irish Distress, is the sub- joined analysis of the recognized tenants on the Marquis of Bath's estate in the barony of Farney, county of Monaghan- /V=16er of Tenants.

Rent not exceeding £1 195

Number of Tenants.

Rent not exceeding 420 80 • • • •

2

223 . . 24 52

3 240 28 22

4 290 90 42

6 443 50 14

8

344 60 4

10 218 70

12 136 80 14

16 170

18 it possible.that with such a tenantry any improvement can take place in the cultivation of the soil? Can there be that rotation of crops which everybody knows is essential to good husbandry; that improvement in stock, that amount of skill and capital? While visiting Ireland, last summer, Lord Lincoln had the opportunity of inspecting Lord Palmerston's estate, which is managed with the utmost liberality and generosity: if there is an error it is that tcermuch money is laid out. The adjoining estate of Sir Robert Gore Booth is also excellently ma- wed. Lord Palmerston's estate comprises 16,000 acres; population, 8,750; yearly value, 5,2351.: the number of acres under corn cultivation is only 432. " Whilst such a system as this continues, even if it were possible or just to other parts of the United Kingdom to continue grants and loans from the Treasury, would it be rational to hope for any improvement in the state of Ireland, or to expect that any great influx of capital into that country can take place? It has pleased Providence to cause a transition in the food of the Irish people from a low to a higher scale and I apprehend that the necessary consequence must be a transition in husbandry also from a lower to a higher condition. Without that, and without the consolidation of the land, no combination of labour, such as ex- ists in England and Scotland, can be hoped for. But the introduction of im- proved husbandry must necessarily for a time diminish the amount of labour em- ployed in the cultivation of the soil. For himself, he had always condemned the wholesale clearances of land; but the state of things has so much altered that there is now no indisposition in Ireland to abandon small holdings. He was in- formed by an Irish landlord who had afforded to nearly 1,000 persons on his estate the means of leaving their native shores for Canada, that upwards of 2,000 per- Sens more pressed him to confer the same boon upon them; which he was only prevented from doing, at least for the present, by the enormous expense he had already incurred.

Sir Robert Kane is frequently quoted to show that Ireland is capable of sup- porting double its present population: Lord Lincoln did not dispute the capacity of that fruitful country, were its resources duly improved; all he said was, that under existing circumstances the population of Ireland is redundant, and that it must be reduced in order to a permanent improvement of the country. It is argued that the void left by colonization is soon filled up: so it is, but mean- while measures would become possible to provide for the employment of the people. It is said that colonization would remove "the sinew and bone" of the land, leaving only those who are a harden on the state: and so it ought to be- " I, for one, would not wish the case to be otherwise: it is not my wish to see the landlords of Ireland relieved from the burden of supporting those whose strength has been exhausted in their service: I conceive such persons to be legitimate re- cipients of parochial relief, in all times and under all circumstances." But there is a redundant able population in Ireland, which humanity and the material inte- rests of the country !neatly require to be removed. Every Parliamentary Com- mittee and Commission on the state of Ireland has more or less strongly advo- cated colonization; and he cited corroborative passages from Lord Devon's Report and from the Second Report of the Relief Commissioners. He glanced at the capacity of several colonies to receive emigrants. To South Amtrak, in the tenth year of its existence, emigration is now going on at the Tate of about BOO per month; Mr. Hutt estimates that 5,000 could find employ- ment in the mines alone; • and wages have been as high as 81. a week. But from the cost of the passage, (151. to 171.) and other circumstances which he men- tioned, Lord Lincoln did not regard South Australia as available for this particu- lar _purpose. The same observations apply to New Zealand.

Another colony has not of late years attracted due attention—South Africa. " I speak more particularly of the East coast and the province of Natal. I ion told there are in that district 6,000,000 acres of fertile land totally uninhabited and uncultivated, besides a very much greater extent obtainable should it eventually become necessary, as there is a willingness on the part of the Natives to cede it by treaty. The Under Secretary of the Colonies will not deny that these 6,000,000 acres are available; and to this colony the passage- money of an emigrant may fairly be stated at not above one third or one half of that to Australia and New Zealand. I believe the climate is perfectly suited to our countrymen• the fertility of the soil is great; iron and copper exist in abun- dance; an what I think ought not to be forgotten, extended colonizat.on in this direction might have the effect at some future period of spreading civilization in those regions of Africa at present the most benighted in the world. The Govern-

ment has recently sent out an eminent man, Sir Henry Pottinger, as Governor of that colony; which cannot but give facilities for inquiry in that quarter." His attention however, had been chiefly directed to Canada; the capabilities of which have been rendered familiar to the House by the able speeches of Mr. Charles Buller. To those speeches Lord Lincoln added a few statisticai details which had not been mentioned by Mr. Buller. The population of Canada in- creased from 500,000 souls in 1820 to 1,500,000 in 1845; the export of flour, from 96,000 barrels in 1835 to 800,000 in 1846, besides 500,000 detained in store at Montreal by the freezing of the river; the annual exports of British North America amount to 9,000,0001.; the daily wages of labour are 2s. 6d. cur- rency, with lodging in addition. Lord Lincoln glanced at various plans which had been suggested. First there is the "self-supporting system " of Mr. Wakefield, maintained by the sale of lands and the appropriation of the proceeds to immigration; which is not exactly suited to Canada, on account of the low price of lands in private hands and the tempta- tions of reemigration into the United States. In 1843, Mr. Charles Buller pro- posed a mode of applying the benefits of Mr. Wakefield's plan to Canada, by a compulsory resumption of appropriated but unsettled land. Mr. Sullivan, a mem- ber of the Executive Council, proposed a plan of colonization by Government out- lay, ultimately to be repaid by the increased value of reserved lands intermixed with the settled lands. Then there is the plan lately published by Mr. Godley; the essential principle of which is to stimulate the demand for labour in our North American Provinces, so that the emigrant may be employed for wages while he is settling on the land, and to render the settlement attractive to emigrants through social and civil aids. In December last year, Lord Grey put forward a plan to build villages and feed the emigrants by a species of commissariat; which, how- ever, he soon afterwards abandoned.

To this list Lord Lincoln added a plan which has been for some time before the Government, though not promulgated, for constructing a railroad from Halifax to Quebec. The line passes through Nova Scotia, the centre of New Brunswick, and part of Lower Canada, to the Riviere le Loup on the St. Lawrence. Commer- cially it may be considered as substituting a direct course for the hazardous, circuit- ous, and in the winter months interrupted navigation of the St. Lawrence. It would be important in a military view, as running nearly parallel with a portion of the boundary settled by the Ashbuhon. treaty. In New Brunswick there are 1,000,000 acres of fertile land still in the possession of the Crown; and the sti- mulus given to labour, in the first instance, by employment on the railway, while emigrants were preparing for settlement, would be a most effective aid to coloniza- tion. Lord Lincoln simply suggested this as one of the plans that might be de- sirable, and therefore deserving of a deliberate and careful inquiry. Lord Lincoln touched upon the subject of expense; citing a few estimates. He had assumed that 251. would be requisite for the settlement of an emigrant in Canada. Some reckoned it as low as 41. or 61. ahead; Mr. Sullivan, a lush Co- lonial authority, reckons it within 61. But in fact, although Lord Lincoln believed that in the first instance there must be a large outlay, there are not yet adequate data for estimating the probable expense. He alluded to some other difficulties. As to the supply of food, Mr. Hutt had satisfactorily cited the experience of Aus- tralia. Some doubt the possibility of finding the requisite freightage. In the last year, 1,585 ehips, tonnage 605,253, left. Great Britain and Ireland for British North America in ballast. Making the enormous deduction of 105,000 tons en account of unseaworthy and unsuitable ships, there would remain under the rule of the Passenger Act (three passengers to every five tons) freight for 300,000 passengers. This makes no account ot accommodation that might have been found in 10,000 ships that sailed for North America in the same year with cargoes.

It is said that the Irish make bad colonists: to.prove the contrary, Lord Lincoln pointed to the large sums earned by their own industry, which emigrants remit for their relatives to emigrate; he quoted the evidence of Mr. Justice Burton, Sir Wilmot Horton, and Sir Francis Head, as to the industry, independence, good order, and loyalty of the Irish colonists. Lord Lincoln believed that the want of industry imputed to the Irish " Celt " is the result of external circumstances, and not of inherent disposition; and he called upon Mr. Hudson and practical farmers to say whether Irish labourers are not most valuable.

Alluding to the feeling in Canada, Lord Lincoln observed, that while many of the Canadian newspapers object to details in Mr. Godley's plan, all are in favour of extensive immigration. For instance, the Toronto Glok declares, that "mil- lions of acres" are awaiting the arrival of emigrants—" 2,000,000 [emigrants is the very number which we have ourselves mentioned." The British, Canadian, alluding to the active steps for promoting Canadian colonization from Ireland, hopes that the same will be done in England and Scotland also. In an address delivered in the hall of the Mechanics Institute at Toronto the Honourable R. B. Sullivan speaks thus—" But settlements need not be confined to this quarter: the greater part of the country between Lake Huron and the Ottawa is vacant; whole regions are without an inhabitant, and millions of men may be sustained by cultivating them. Provisions are abundant and cheap in the country. Upper Canada, with her present products, could sustain a million of additional inhabit- ants at once. If you bring her 500,000, she will still be an exporting country; but the best market she can have is at home." Mr. Uniacke, known as one of the ablest and most influential men in the North British Provinces, entirely coin- cides with Mr. Sullivan, and desires to see Government favour an extensive colo- nization conducted on sound and recognized principles. When Lord Lincoln milted the Government to appoint a Commission, he wished it to be a practical Commission, with practical results—sucha Commission as was appointed on the Irish Poor-law by Lord Melbourne's Government, with Arch- bishop Whately at its head.

It is sometimes said that a proceeding of this kind would lead to " false ex- pectations": but in the present instance it must be the reverse. It is not to be forgotten—and he said it in the spirit of approbation—that the present Govern- ment comprises those who have been, in years gone by, the apostles of colonization. Two years ago, Lord John Russell, the Premier' moved a string of resolutions pointing out colonisation as a remedy for the distress even then experienced throughout the empire; in various debates, Lord Grey, the Secretary for the Colonies, has pointed out colonization as the means of giving relief to Ireland; Mr. Hawes, the Colonial Under Secretary, and Mr. Charles Buller, who gives the Colonial Office the benefit of his counsels, have frequently brought the subject be- fore the House. Now, if the principles which they have heretofore propounded are erroneous, or if it should turn out that there is no need for other measures than those already in progress, the public will only be convinced through an investi- gation made by other parties than the official gentlemen themselves. "1 hope the honourable gentleman fully understands my meaning in making this statement. I mean nothing invidious; but the advent of the honourable gentlemen opposite to power has reasonably raised expectations on these points; and perhaps they may have found reason to doubt the propriety of going to the extent to which they were inclined to go when formerly they brought these topics before the House. ("No, no!" from the Treasury bench.) If it is so, then it is desirable that the public mind should be set at rest by such a Commission as I now pro Com- mission not at all superseding the functions of the Colonial Office, propose-sasisting them in making inquiries, which, in anything like a reasonable time, it would be impossible for them to accomplish in compatibility with their other duties." Lord Lincoln pointed to a danger involved in the emigration now going on, not through any fault in the Colonial Office or the Emigration Commissioners, but for want of an organized plan. In the last month alone, 54,000 persons left these shores: should they be unable to find employment, and so to procure food, the reports which they would send home to their friends would give a serious check to future emigration.

Lord Lincoln concluded his speech of two hours by thanking the House for the attention with which it had listened, and by earnestly recommending colonization as an auxiliary in rescuing the property of Ireland from ruin and confiscation, the people from their abject condition.

Mr. HAWES complimented Lord Lincoln on the fair spirit and the com- prehensiveness of his speech; but opposed the motion.

The proceedings of a Commission must necessarily be slow, and could result in no immediate relief. The class who could bear the hardships of a settler's life is exactly that which would not require relief at home. He had nothing to retract in the views which he had always held; he admitted the general principles laid down by Lord Lincoln; but he objected to the proposed inquiry, doubting the power of any Commission to inquire into a subject demanding such diversified information. Emigration is already proceeding at an enormous rate; and if the Government were to step forward that great voluntary emigration would be checked. If a grant were to be made for Ireland, there are parts of England and Scotland that would have equal claims. Neither Government nor the House had been indifferent to the subject of colonization. Sir Wilmot Horton made experi- ments in 1826-7; there was a Commission in 1831, and Committees in 1836 and 1842; Mr. Wakefield's suggestion, that lands should be sold at a price fixed by Parliament, was adopted. An enormous number of persons have emigrated since the establishment of the Board of Emigration: in ten years, 100,000 have gone to Australia, 740,000 to North America; and now 20,000 or 30,000 persons a month are leaving this country. Lord Lincoln had adverted only to Canada, but the progress of the Australian Colonies has been proportionate: in 1835 their

i te population was 102,942; imports, 1,749,0871.; exports, 1,004,6121. In lt.g&ega,population, 295,923; imports, 1,992,6301.; exports, 2,175,2241. This year the Parliamentary grant in aid of emigration has been increased from 1,0001. to 10,0001. Mr. Hawes criticized Mr. Godley's plan. He was staggered at the proposal that the country should be taxed 9,000,0001. in order that 2,000,000 of the able- bodied people of Ireland should be exported to North America—the best portion of its population; and that as a means of benefiting Ireland ! That exportation, at 101. or 151. a head, would cost 20,000,0001. or 30,000,0001.; so that in fact the proposition was not limited to the 9,000,0001. Mr. Godley required a far larger amount than Lord George Bentinck's 16,000,0001. for railways. Mr. Hawes read a memorandum which had been received at the Colonial Office, from the Chief Emigration Agent in Canada West, expressing an apprehension that Govern- ment interference would check the present emigration, which is aided by 300,0001. or 400,0001. remitted from emigrants to their friends and relatives at home. To assent to this motion, would create expectations that could not be realized, and excite hopes that must end in disappointment. There was no principle which Lord Lincoln had enunciated, no plan which could be proposed, the importance of which Government were not prepared to take into consideration; and so far as in- quiry was concerned, they were not only willing but anxious to obtain the best information. He should make no motion in opposition to Lord Lincoln's; but he hoped it would not be pressed. Again he entreated him to consider, whether, in the present state of Ireland and Scotland, this was the time to do anything that would check the course of the voluntary emigration now going on.

Mr. GREGORY supported Lord Lincoln's motion, with an able reiteration of his arguments from the Irish point of view. He declared that if Govern- ment had made systematic colonization an adjunct to the Poor-law for Ireland, he should not have opposed that measure. He corrected Mr. Hawes's misstatement as to Mr. Godley's plan— For instance it was not true that Mr. Godley proposed to send the able-bodied labourers of Ireland to Canada; it was proposed only to send the surplus of those able-bodied labourers, for whom there was no employment at home. It was not true that Mr. Godley proposed to take 9,000,0001. of capital from Ireland; though the plan in question did include an income-tax of 5,000,0001. to be raised in that country. But how much money is at present expended there? The Estimates have been increased by eight millions, and yet the Serbonian bog is still open and gapes for more. Mr. Crodley's plan was not to "shovel out paupers" to the Colonies, or to feed them from the Commissariat, but to employ them on public works until settled on the land; which would thus absorb the surplus population of Ireland in useful and reproductive labour in the Colonies. Mr. VERNON SMITH, without supporting the Government, opposed Lord Lincoln's motion in several smart remarks, delivered with great confidence of manner. He was particularly sarcastic on the difference between " co- lonization " and " emigration ": colonization is always the Opposition sub- ject, and emigration the Ministerial subject: the large " colonization " promises of Opposition speeches, dwindle down to little "emigration" in Ministerial practice. Colonization among the Greeks meant the settling of organized communities on conquered or unpeopled lands. The only modern people who attempt settlement in communities are the Germans. The English Government has never undertaken plans of that sort; and Lord Lincoln, who was lately in office himself, and Secretary for Ireland, proposed none. The no-resistance of the Ministerial defence was worthy of the no-plan of the motion.

Sir ROBERT PEEL took up Mr. Vernon Smith's objections in a tone of pleasantry, and turned them into arguments for the motion; contrasting the state of leisure which enabled Mr. Smith now to exhibit such mastery of the subject, with the absorption in multifarious details which encum- bered him when he was in the Colonial Office himself, and which must occupy all the time and task the powers of the gentlemen in that depart- inent— Mr. Smith said that colonization was always an Opposition subject—that the magnificent notions of gentlemen in Opposition are abandoned in office and never realized: perhaps they cannot be realized; if so, let us have evidence of the fact —that would be the best way to satisfy the public mind. Mr. Smith says that there is no colonization on the collective principle which obtained in ancient times, as among the Greeks: well then, is it not worth inquiry whether this cannot be done by giving encouragement on a scale better suited than the present to enlist the moral and social interests of those who are disposed to engage in emigration?

Sir Robert fully recognized the difficulties of the Government; he acknowledged the ability of Lord Grey; he denied that the motion was intended to cast is any sort of reflection • but he still came back to the same conclusion, that inquiry the very thing needed to explain the apparent discrepancies between the profes- sions and the performances of statesmen.

Sir Robert doubted whether the country would be called upon for 9,000,0001. to carry out Mr. Grodley's plan. Perhaps the Irish may not be able to raise the sum contemplated: still it might be possible to realize some advantage. "Even if you open an avenue to the departure of 300,000 persons instead of 2,000,000, and locate them in a position of which they shall be able to report favourably, you are doing ten times more for the advantage of Ireland than if you had sent out 2,000,000 at once. Any sudden transport or emigration of 2,000,000 from Ireland, we being uncertain of the issue of that experiment, would do little good. But if you begin with even 40,000—if you overcome prejudices—if you settle a small number in a remote country where they are enabled to make a favourable report—and if thus you open a permanent and constantly progressing outlet for the population in Ireland—you will, in my opinion, not only be laying a founda- tion for the cure of evils prevailing in that country but establish new bonds of connexion between this empire and those colonies.'

Sir Robert gratefully acknowledged the aid which had been given to Ireland from the United States, especially as a proof of sympathy; for the money might have been contributed from this country: there may be persons who have contri- buted for less worthy ends—persons may have come over here, and made a parade of bringing sums of money; but that is not to prejudice us against the rest- He knew that many respectable members of the Society of Friends had sent money over unostentatiously, without so much as expecting their names to be men- tioned; members of the Society of Friends have in this way contributed food to the value of 57,0001. There had been a general disposition in all quarters to aid the Government in plans for the relief of Ireland. But Sir Robert deprecated altogether the position in which England is placed as a creditor towards Ireland. Could they have fore-

seen all that has taken place, it would perhaps have been better absolutely to make a gift to Ireland of the sum which England was to contribute-' saying, for

instance, of the 8,000,0001. which is necessary—" We are ready to give you 5,000,0004 and you must find the rest yourselves." As it is, this country will have a very heavy claim upon Ireland for a repayment of the money. "I do en- treat the noble Lord to consider what is the evidence we have; what a prospect there is of the failure of the potato crop; and even if not of that, yet of such a heavy demand upon property for the purpose of supporting poverty in Ireland, that the Government of the noble Lord will be perplexed with a choice between two lines of conduct, either strictly to enforce the law or to abandon all claim to that which is due. I do think that the abandonment of that claim will in- volve greater evil than the mere loss of the money; I should not half so much re- gret the loss of the money as I should fear the consequences of teaching the peo- ple to draw largely upon the fund placed within their reach in the expectation that when the pinching time of payment comes the claim will be remitted. We have had experience enough to make us dread the periodical spectacle of 1,000,000 or 1,500,000 of people absolutely starving. The spectacle is so disgraceful, and the consequences are so replete with danger and insecurity of life and property, that we are bound to provide that the people shall not be left to starve: but, be- lieving it to be absolutely necessary to give some new stimulus, and feeling that we must look to placing the landowner and occupier there in a new position, I

cannot help thinking that-the mass of destitution will be so great for some time to come, that if any means can be devised for facilitating the operation of the

measures which have had the assent of this House, those means should be care- fully adopted. Is not this subject, at any rate, worth inquiring into? It is proved that there are 2,000,000 of people for whom there is not now profitable employ- ment, and who must for some time to come continue to be a heavy burden it is also proved that you have magnificent colonies on the other side of the water-4,000,000 of unoccupied acres in one district. Now, put these facts together—that in Ireland you have this mass of unemployed population, and that on the other side of the At- lantic you have magnificent provinces imperfectly peopled: if you can add to their population by measures grateful to the Colonies, you will be materiallY adding to the strength of these provinces of the British Crown. It is admitted that the Go- vernment will have forthwith to devise some satisfactory plan of emigration; and it is not too much to ask that the Government will consent to this resolution I am sure it is from no want of confidence in the Government that I support it; because the resolution leaves in their own hands the appointment of the Commis sioners, who would merely inquire into the subject, and report whether some progress could not be made to relieve Ireland, and at the same time strengthen our Colonies, by sending thither the redundant population of Ireland. We want the adoption of no scheme, but only that the subject should be inquired into." Sir Robert qnoted at some length the report ot the Emigration Commissioners on the success of emigration to Australia. Give me three respectable gentle men who slialLhoiin the entire confidence of the Government---such men as Co lonel Torreas and Mr. Hutt, who have watched the progress of emigration, to South Australia, and who know the difficulties it experienced—and let them whether it as not possible for you to conduct an emigration upon the same prio- ciple to Canada end Nova Scotia as to the other colonies where it has succeeded.

If they show that this is ipossible, then let the Government proceed to take the

necessary steps to carry t into effect. The right honourable gentleman {Mr. Smith] says that emigration to South Australia failed at first, but that you sedt out a good Governor—that through Captain Grey all difficulties had been

overcome, and that by his energy he had converted what had, been a colony of despairing paupers into a colony which boasted an affluent and pros-

perous population. Well, why can you not have a good Governor in Canada also? You have sent Captain Grey to New Zealand, and I have no doubt he will make it prosper as well as South Australia. Be it so. Then, the

original difficulty to the success of colonies has been inherent in the character

of the Governors, rather than in the plan of colonization ? I am convinced th6t there are no difficulties that resolution and good sense will not overcome. Stirely, then, you can find other Governor Greys in the Queen's dominions who traLht

conduct an experiment in Canada upon the principle that has succeeded in South Australia. You have one now in Canada, who will no doubt show equal intelli-

gence, equal energy and resolution with Captain Grey. You may devise a scheme which will enable you to look forward to the willing consent of our fellow subjects in the Colonies; and under Lord Elgin there is no reason why emigration to

Canada should not-be as prosperous as to South Australia. There are many cir-

cumstances in its favour. The passage is cheaper, the facilities for the passage are greater, and the associations of common origin are quite as strong. I am con- vinced that the addition to the prosperity of the colony will be at least as great:

and if, as I believe will be the case, you infuse i loyal and grateful population hi- t° the Canadas by this means, then my confidence in the permanence of the con- nexion of the Cimadas with this country will be not only increased, but will be so

confirmed that I believe it will be perpetual. You should take measures for a continually fresh infusion of colonists, who should be received into the nucleus of the older colonists, and live in relations of affection with them. I say nothing as to the past opinion which honourable gentlemen may have expressed upon coloni- zation. I trust that the noble Lord will defer to what is, I think, the general

sense of the House, and enable us to try whether, after repeated failures, we can- not devise some plan' in the present imminent crisis of Ireland, which will relieve her of her redundant population, and transfer to our distant Colonies a people grateful for their escape from present danger, and attached to their Queen and constitution."

Lord Jon:a RUSSELL reiterated Mr. Hawes's representations as to the amount of emigration which is already going forward under the superin-

tendence of the Emigration Commissioners--those three gentlemen to whose intelligence Sir Robert Peel had paid so just a compliment. He admitted, however, that it is not an emigration which is viewed with entire satisfaction on the other side of the Atlantic; and he saw the danger of in- disposing other countries to receive our emigrants by suggesting the idea that we want to get rid of the rubbish of our population. In a private letter to Lord Grey, the Governor-General of Canada states that the people of that colony, seeing the cheeks which their acute neighbours of the United States have imposed on immigration, have been discussing the expediency of similar precautions. The Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia sends home a warning ot extreme privation and misery awaiting those who might come to that colony; and the Lieutenant-Governor of New Brunswick mentions that the Legislature of his colony had abandoned a plan for facilitating the settlement of emigrants, and referred the matter for inquiry. There is thus the testimony of those Governors, both as to the disposition to receive emigrants and the appre- hension that thew numbers might be too great for the demand of lab= in the

vinces. It would be most impolitic and remnant to humanity, if, as Mr. Godley proposed, 2.000,000 of persons were sent out from Ireland across the Atlantic, where there would be no employment for them: and Lord John dwelt upon the practical difficulties which it would be impossible to overcome, of pro- viding for the carrying on even of the most ordinary trades, or of finding food for such large numbers.

Lord Lincoln's motion placed the Government in some difficulty— In a recent despatch to Lord Elgin, dated on the 1st of April, Lord Grey says- " I have only to add, that her blajestis Government share in the strong desire which has been so generally expressed, to promote the adoption of some well-con- sidered and systematic plan ot colonization in British America, believing that this would be attended with great benefit both to the Colonies and to the Mother- country." With such a declaration of a wish for systematic colonization, Lord John could not oppose a resolution which seemed to have the same object. At the same time, he could not agree in the interpretation which Lord Lincoln put upon the motion. Lord Lincoln proposed that a Commission should be appointed to niquire: now, as to the destitution in Ireland, there is no necessity for further inquiry; and the most desirable information is that to be obtained from the Bri- tish Colonies. Mr. Godley had, in a conversation, suggested as one of the means of ascertaining the practicability of his plan, that there should be public meet- ings in Canada' assembled by one of the Commissioners—persons summoned by the town-crier, Lord John supposed, to hear plans of colonization' which of course they would approve without considering the details. The most valuable opinions, however, would be, first those of the Governor-General and Council, also of the Provincial Assemblies. But what authority would the proposed Commission have to exact such information? Would it answer the purpose of inquiry in this country ? Lord John thought that it would be neither necessary nor useful; because, as Sir Robert Peel truly says, they had three gentlemen of considerable experience who have devoted themselves year after year to this subject, who are in possession of all ordinary information upon it, and who can call before them any persons in this country whose opinions would be of practical weight, such as those connected with the different Land Companies. Lord Lincoln had referred to several plans; but they did not supply him with very encouraging precedents. "He says they were framed most of them by men of considerable talent; yet when they were examined by men of practical au- thority, they were shown to be unfitted for the object of sound colonization. A better speech on the subject of colonization than that made by my honoura- ble friend the Judge-Advocate, when he sat on the other side of the House, I never heard in my life. But when the plan he proposed was sent out to Canada, it was examined and revised by Lord Metcalfe; who gave reasons which satisfied Lord Stanley and his colleagues that such a plan ought not to be adopted. Again my noble friend at the head of the Colonial Department, when he came into office, sent for several persons connected with the 'Colonies, and explained to them his plan. They pointed out faults in detail in his plan of establishing villages which showed him that it would not succeed; and he at once abandoned the plan with- out asking the Government to proceed further with it. Mr. Godley's plan also is generally condemned here, and universally so in Canada. Yet these which I have enumerated were three of the plans which the noble Earl mentioned. But if you had the separate Commission proposed, and they were to go through these plans, I cannot help thinking, that, having been specially appointed for the purpose of furthering some plan of colonization, and not having on their shoulders the necessity of asking Parliament for the financial resources necessary to carry it out—and having the highest opinion of their own wisdom—they might frame perhaps a very fine paper plan, which it would cost some millions to carry out, leaving it to the Government of the day to bear the onus either of presenting it to Parliament at such a cost, or of being open to the imputation ofteglecting the recommendations of the Commission. For these reasons, therefore I think it far better, that if the principle involved in this resolution be adopted at once, the plan, for the present at least, should be left entirely in the hands of the Executive Government. I am quite ready to say, as my noble friend has already said in

his despatch, that we wish promote the adoption of some well-considered and systematic plan of colonization in British America.' I should say that we are quite ready to direct the Governors of each of our British American Provinces to consult the Legislative and the Executive bodies as to those plans which are most likely to be useful to the Colonies, and to which they will most readily lend SR ear.

"Of all the plans that have been under consideration, that which appears to 131e to be the most practical, is that of aiding and assisting public works in those provinces to which emigration is likely to be directed: but I do not think that the adoption of such a plan does depend merely upon general maxims or upon abstract policy on the subject of emigration. I think at this time, with the diffi- culties in the money-market, with the immense absorption of capital in the con- atruction of railroads in the United Kingdom, to ask the House for a fresh drain of money and a large diversion of capital, in order to aid public works in British North America, would be an inopportune and an unsuitable proposal for Govern- ment to make. I therefore think it is not a proposal which we ought to adopt merely because of its abstract wisdom or justice' if it is not suited to the particu- lar time at which it is made: but that it is far better than any of those plans for making villages and collecting emigrants into small communities, I am fully per- suaded. I am persuaded of it, not from any reasoning in my own mind on the subject, but because I understand it to be the unanimous testimony of all who are acquainted with the progress of our Colonies in North America. They say, that if you send out able-bodied men who can obtain wages whether in farm labour or on roads and public works, and who by earning good wages may come in time -to be possessed of little properties, those men will do well, and they may finelly,become useful settlers and good subjects, and promote the colonization of the colony: but if you send out men whose habits in the United Kingdom unfit them for such a life, to form small communities in the back-woods of Canada, you will find that your settlements will fail. Their want of experience, their want of knowledge—those deficiencies to which my noble friend has alluded in Ids despatch—the difficulty of having a plough or a spade mended, or their corn ground,—all those difficulties occurring in a new settlement would dispirit them in the beginning of their career. Such being the case' while I fully agree in the opinion which has been stated by my noble friend in his despatch, I agree like- wise in the sentiment which fellows it, where, speaking of a certain measure, be says, But, great as are the advantages of such a measure, still we must look to the evils which must flow from the hasty adoption of an ill-matured or imprac- tihable scheme; nor do I think it possible to adopt any scheme without the hearty concurrence of the Provincial Assemblies.' That contains folly my opinion on this point."

Mr. G. W. HOPE spoke well in favour of the motion. Mr. Hume, objecting to Government colonization, thought that the whole system of Colonial government required revision; for it is the mis- government of the Colonies which checks emigration.

Mr. MORGAN JOHN O'CoxwELL thanked Lord Lincoln for the manner in which he had brought the subject before the House. He anticipated disastrous results from the unsystematic emigration which is now going on. Lord JOHN MANNERS protested against the unfounded inference of Lord John Russell, that Mr. Godley's plan would have the effect of throwing 2,000,000 of destitute Irish on the shores of America.

Sir WALTER JAMES, Mr. FRANCIS SCOTT, and Mr. AGLIONBY, all sup- ported the motion.

Lord LINCOLN closed the debate. As Lord John Russell—not following

the example of Mr. Hawes—had acceded to the motion it was unnecessary to trouble the House with any observation except one. Lord John had stated, that, in acceding to the letter of the motion, it was his intention (not to use the word in an offensive sense) to evade the spirit in which it was intro- duced: Lord Lincoln would- not interfere with the manner in which the Prime Minister might advise his Sovereign in carrying out the objects of the motion—he hoped that it would have at least this advantage, that it would induce Government to pay more deliberate attention to the subject than they otherwise would have done.

The motion was then put by the Speaker, and carried unanimously.

IRISH MEASURES: THE LORDS' AMENDMENTS.

On Monday, the House of Commons took into consideration the amend- ments made by the Lords in the Poor-relief (Ireland) Bill and the Landed Property (Ireland) Bill.

The SPEAKER first stated the precedents touching the former of these bills. In 1834, when the English Poor-law Bill was before Parliament, and in 1838, when the Irish Poor-relief Bill was before Parliament, the House of Commons waived its privileges, and agreed to the amendments of the Lords. Respecting the Landed Property Bill, however, he knew of no precedent for waiving the privilege: the amendments in this case stood on a footing altogether different from those in the other bill: that did not relate to local taxation, but it authorized issues from the Consolidated Fund; and be did not know any precedent for agreeing to amendments by which the House of Lords had diverted funds to any other purpose besides that sanctioned by the House of Commons.

Lord Jorm RUSSELL thought that in respect of the Poor-relief Bill this was a case in which the strict rule might be relaxed. The most important amendment made by the Lords introduced no new distribution of taxation, but by substituting electoral district rating in lieu of the original provision, [imposing the surplus rate on the union when it should exceed 2s. 6d. in the pound,] it merely retained the law as it is at present. The important principles of the bill remained untouched. It contained no such clause as that imputed by rumour to Lord Monteagle, which would have shown a disposition to get rid of the bill altogether. Another amendment, intro-

duced by the Earl of St. Germans' i defing a "resident" within the elec- toral district to be one who should have occupied some tenement for thirty calendar months within the three years last previous, tended much to miti- gate the ill effect of the principal amendment, and to prevent the poor ejected out of the rural districts from being thrown upon the towns. He moved that the amendments be now read with a view to their being agreed to.

On coming to that amendment which related to the area of rating, a long discussion arose. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, he thought that the House did not attach so much importance to the amendment as it deserved; for it seriously affected the prospects of success for the measure. In 1808, at the suggestion of the Speaker,—Lord Colchester, a high authority on the law of Parliament,—the Commons rejected an amendment made by the Lords altering the taxable limits fixed by an enclosure bill which had gone up from the Commons. No doubt, in the cases cited by the present Speaker, the House waived its privilege; but in the case under consideration there was a substantial grievance. The amendment changed not only the taxation ge- nerally, but the incidence of taxation, tending to drive the poor upon the towns: if the burden were to become intolerable to the rate-payers of the towns in Ireland, it would be transferred to the people of this country; into which the paupers are already flowing through Liverpool at the rate of two or three thousand weekly. At the same time, however, he was not prewed to risk the loss of the bill. At a more suspicions season, the subject could be again considered; and should the evil which he anticipated arise, it could be ba- vestigated and met. Several other Members supported this view. Sir GEORGE GREY 11814, that he hardly differed in any respect from the view expressed by Sir James Graham: he only thought that the salutary effect of the clause introduced by the Earl of St. Germans was somewhat overrated. Mr. BELLEW, Mr. POULETT SCROPE, Mr. SHEIL and Mr. LABOUCHERE, also supported this course. Mr. LRFROY, Lord GEORGE BENTINCH, Sir HENRY BARRON, and some others, vindicated the amendment made by the Lords, as a real hn- provement. On the other hand, Sir ROBERT Nous insisted that the amendments made by the Lords totally altered the character of the bill: the measure ought to be made as good as possible' in order to prevent any risk of its working ill; and he suggested that the House should request a conference on the subject; which he did not think would be likely to en- danger the measure. In the course of the discussion, new charges were brought against one or two Irish landlords, and new evidence was adduced in defence: but this part of the disputation had neither novelty nor profit. On a division, the motion to acquiesce in the amendment was carried, by 80 to 16. The other amendments, with some unimportant exceptions, were adopted.

The House then proceeded with the amendments in the Landed Property Bill. Sir CHARLES WOOD pointed out that the main amendment related to advances of money for the construction of various buildings; the Lords having interpolated an additionial description of works for which money might be granted, namely, grist-mills. He apprehended, however, that ap- plications had already been made to the Board of Works for the whole sum of 1,500,0001. to be expended for the purposes originally set down, namely, drainage and reclamation of lands: besides, therefore, a serious in- fringement of the privileges of the Commons, it was a matter of question how far there would be any surplus to be disposed of in the manner sug- gested by the amendment. He moved that the amendment be disagreed to. Lord GEORGE BEtcrurow defended the amendment, as only altering the dis- tribution of the loan, and not its amount. He moved that the House waive its privileges and accept the amendment of the House of Lords. After a brief discussion,—in which Mr. GOULBURN expressed a conviction that the Lords had infringed the privileges of the House inadvertently,—Sir Charles Wood's motion was carried, without a division.

On Tuesday a conference was held; the Commons stating the reasons for the amendments which they had adopted; and on Thursday, the House of Lords assented to those amendments.

On Thursday, in the House of Lords, the Marquis of LANSDOWNE

moved the second reading of the Poor Relief Supervision (Ireland) Bill, altering the constitution of the Irish Poor-law Commission. It encoun- tered a shoal of objections. Lord ELLErtnarionau objected that it would virtually make the Chief and Under Secretary in Ireland Poor-law Com- missioners, and would increase the patronage of the Chief Secretary. Lord BROUGHAM objected to the dangerous principle of making the administas- tration of the Poor-law a political matter; the details of administratiofi- allowances of meal or clothing—matter of Parliamentary discussion. the

Mr. F. IL Dickinson, the Member for West Somersetshire, has been cate- chized by a local society calling itself the "Protestant Alliance for Bridge- water and its Neighbourhood." They desire to know his sentiments on the question of endowing the Roman Catholic Church. Mr. Dickinson declares that he views Roman Catholics in the same light as Dissenters; and refers to his former votes in favour of measures for the advantage of both. When further urged, he declares that he has no objection on con- scientious grounds to an endowment of the Roman Catholic clergy; but he does not pledge himself to support any measure that may be brought forward on the subject, because he may have other objections to the parti- cular plan.

Liverpool will have two vacancies: Lord Sandon and Sir Howard Douglas have both announced their intention of retiring from Parliament, apparently on private and personal grounds.

By way of retort for the insinuation that Mr. Round was not a stanch Church-of-England man, a correspondent of the Standard stated, that, tinder the influence of Mr. W. E. Gladstone, that gentleman's sister bad gone over to Romanism. In a letter to the Standard, Mr. Gladstone con- tradicts the statement; and the other correspondent of the Standard has withdrawn it.

We have received a communication from Lincoln, correcting an an- nouncement copied in last week's Spectator, that there were ten candidates

in the field for the representation of that city: the statement was "a flight of fancy on the part of a local editor." The present Members, Colonel Sibthorp and Mr. William Rickford Collett, will stand again. The Libe- rals are divided; but the majority are pledged to support their townsman, Mr. Charles Seely. Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton has declined to come for- Mr. Ferrand reluctantly declines to stand again for Knaresborough. In his address he denounces the "secret combination" by which the Free- trader Mr. Lascelles receives the support of the Protectionist Lord Hare- wood. Mr. Fermnd had vaunted Lord Ilarewood's support: Lord Hare- wood wrote a letter to his brother, saying that he agreed with him much more than with Mr. Ferrara; hence this ire.

. Sir Robert Peel has firmly declined the honour of standing for Birming- ham, and has requested that further canvassing for him may be dis- continued.

Another candidate has turned up for Stockport, in Mr. James Kershaw; who attended a meeting of the electors on Monday evening. He declared himself to be one of the working classes, being the son of poor but honest parents in Manchester: he opposes compulsory payments for religion; supports extension of the suffrage, and free trade in all things. A show of hands gave him a large majority.

Sir George Grey has gone a step further; he has taken leave of his Devonport friends with great regret, and issued his manifesto in the North. Mr. John Romilly is in the field as his successor at Devonport.

Sir Frederick Trench retires from the representation of Scarborough.

The retirement of Mr. Colquhonn from Newcastle-under-Lyne has 'brought out the Honourable Edward Howard, second son of the Duke of Norfolk, and nephew of the Duke of Sutherland, as a future candidate.

Both the sitting Members for Reading, Mr. C. Russell and Lord Chelsea, stand again. • Mr. Sergeant Talfourd, however, is in the field; and, it is thought, with a fair prospect of success against Lord Chelsea.

The Honourable Charles Lennox Butler, son of Lord Dunboyne, comes forward for Shrewsbury, in place of Mr. Disraeli. Mr. Slaney, the former Liberal Member, is also expected to appear, with every chance of success; several of Mr. Disraeli's most influential supporters at the late election having promised him their assistance.

Mr. Meteyard, a barrister, and Mr. Alderman Sidney, of London, are about to contest the borough of Stafford on the Liberal interest.

Mr. Brownrigg retires from Boston; and the Right Honourable Henry Ellis has issued an address stating his desire to succeed to the vacant seat. Sir James Duke stands again; Mr. D. W. Wire, and Mr. Bond Cabbell are also in the field; the latter solicited by the Conservatives.

Cockburn has declined to come forward for Bolton; preferring a pre- vious invitation for Southampton.

Addresses have been issued to the electors of Penryn and Falmouth by Mr. Howell Gwyn, and Mr. Mowatt, a Liberal. Captain Plumiidge stands again; and Mr. Freshfield has accepted an invitation to contest the borough.

Fever increases in Leeds. Three Roman Catholic clergymen have died F it: one of these had recently been appointed to fill the post of the earliest

At Liverpool also fever grows worse; and the hospitals and sheds at present existing are found insufficient to receive all the cases of disease. The Yorkshire emigrant-ship, which after proceeding as far as Wexford was compelled to put back to Liverpool for repairs, had ten children of the passengers fever-stricken: the four hundred people on board the vessel were greatly alarmed.

The Duke of Norfolk has directed that the labourers on his Arundel estate should have that given to them which they will probably like better than the largest supply of curry-powder—namely, wages corresponding with the present high price of bread.

The Bishop of Exeter gave judgment on Friday last, at the Chapterhouse of Exeter Cathedral, in the case of the Reverend W. G. Parks Smith, minister of St. John's Chapel, Torquay. The form of proceeding was an information insti- tuted by the Bishop against the reverend gentleman, for unlawfully causing two glass vases containing flowers, and a cross two feet high similarly decorated, to be placed on the communion-table of the chapel during the performance of divine service on Easter-day last. The Bishop entered at considerable length into the law of the subject, lay and ecclesiastical; and concluded by sentencing Mr. Smith to be admonished, and to pay the costs of the proceedings.

The Bishop of Exeter has narrowly escaped burning alive, on the Great Western Railway The Bishop was a passenger by an express train on Saturday week: while proceeding at great speed, the axletree of the carriage broke, and a frag- ment of the iron having come in contact with the wood-work of the floor' the friction speedily caused combustion; which, blown by the current of air, spread ra- pidly. There being no means of communicating with the guard, the accident was not perceived for some time. At last one guard saw the smoke, and applied his break; but he could make no one else attend. He clambered over the car- riages to the.other guard, with great difficulty and risk, and a second break was applied. Still the driver went on. Eventually, the drag upon the speed of the train caused the driver to look back: he then stopped the engine, and the burning carriage was detached.

A fatal accident happened on Monday evening, on the Portsmouth extension of the Brighton and Chichester Railway. As a train was proceeding along the line,

near the village of Natbourne, at a rapid rate, its speed suddenly diminished, and in a short time the carriages came to a stand: it was then found that the engine had left the rails, crossed the other line, and toppled down an embank- ment about four feet high into a ditch; where it fell bottom upwards: the coupling. iron had snapped, and the tender and luggage-van were barely off the rails; the carriages were not. The engine-driver was found under the wheels of the tender: his leg had been severed at the thigh, and he was quite dead. The stoker was lying near him; his right arm nearly cut off, and his skull fractured; but he was alive. A guard was seriously shaken, but no one else was hurt.

An inquest was commenced at Nntbourne on Wednesday. Mr. Thomas Kirtley, the locomotive engineer of the line, who was in the train, described the accident. After a great deal of pressing, he was made to avow his opinion of

the cause of the disaster: the engine was one of Stephenson's patent locomotives; three axles went under the boiler; the engines were subject to oscillation, and he

thought this oscillation caused the engine in this case to run off the rails. He was asked what produced this oscillation. "There are two causes: the cylinders are placed outside, which always gives an additional oscillation;gbe next is that there is an overhanging weight at both ends, which causes:a kikd.pfl undulating motion." The witness thought there was "some objection to be rai-.-spek. ," against using such engines; but he avoided the admission that they werenefsafe. They are daily used on many_ lines without accident. Cox, a gate-keeper; had observed

this engine to " sway " more than others. Scott, another gate-keeper, saw the accident: the engine made a kind of leap, as if something had given way behind; the steam had been previously shut off. Robert Peel, engine-driver, stated, that in all long engines there was a little vibration. He had driven this engine. Coroner—" Did you consider the engine unsafe?" "I can't say that I did: I think that if I had been there the accident would not have happened. As soots

as my engine begins to rise (!) I always shut off my.steam and then the engine becomes steady." He had ,driven a train on the Hull and Selby Railway in which

two engines had been used; and one went off the line: it was a similar locomo- tive to this. A surgeon having intimated that there was little hope of the stoker's recovery, the inquiry was adjourned for three weeks.

Mr. Jones, one of the sufferers from the accident on the Chester and Holyhead. Railway, has since died; making the fifth victim. The inquest was resumed on Friday, and continued on Wednesday. Several witnesses were examined—railway servants, casual observers, and men of science: among the latter, were General Pesky, who had signified his approbation of the bridge when he was in office; and Mr. Robert Stephenson, the engineer of the railway. The opinions as to the cause of the accident were almost as many as.

the witnesses. The unscientific inclined to the notion either that the masonry was weak, or that the "girder" was not strong enough for its purpose: people said they had seen it bend to an extent of one, of four, or even of five inches.

The facility of arriving at a distinct conclusion was diminished by the facts, that the girder had been changed since the bridge was inspected, and that an immense quantity of ballast had been thrown upon the bridge, to preserve the platform, from the burning fuel. General Pasley thought that the engine had broken the girder in passing over it, and then the masonry had given way. Mr. Stephenson thought that the engine and tender had been off the line, had struck the girder laterally, and had so broken it. General Pasley took exception to some points in the mode of constructing the bridge: he had approved of it officially, but he should not do so now; nor should he now like to pass over it unless it were alter-. el Mr. StephStiso•ti avowed that he should make some alterations in the bridge "to appease the public mind." The inquest was again adjourned, in order that the Jury might obtain a further supply of scientific evidence.

The week has been rife in murders and murderous outrages. John Skinner, a Bristol man, has killed his wife, by throwing her out of win- dow during a quarrel. - At Bitteswell, near Lutterworth, one Lambert has cut the throat of his wife, " as she lay asleep in the night.

A murder, extraordinary for its wantonness, has been committed at Parkgate, near Rotherham. As Mrs. Jagger, the wife of a mechanic who keeps a small shop, was going along the high road, yesterday week, at mid-day Samuel Linley, a joiner' rushed upon her, knocked her down, and cut her throat with a clasp- knife. She died in a few minutes. Linley was seized by a number of persons who had witnessed the crime but had not been in time to prevent it. He exclaim- ed that he hoped God would forgive him; he did not know why he had attacked the woman; he had "made a job of it," and "drink had done it." It appears that the prisoner is a drunkard; he had recently suffered from delirium tremens; and he was subject to fits: but it does not appear that he was drank when he com- mitted the murder. When conveyed to Rotherham Gaol, he seized the High Con- stable by the throat; and the officer had great difficulty in escaping from him. The unfortunate woman appears to have been an entire stranger to her assassin. A Coroner's Jury has returned a verdict of "Wilful murder" against Linley.

Elizabeth Jackson, an old woman of Ilulme, near Manchester, has attempted to destroy her son-in-law, Thomas Royle, by cutting his throat while he slept. Fortunately, the knife was blunt; and the wound, which roused the man from his. sleep, was not dangerous. The woman, however, continued her attack, and Royle's fingers were cut in protecting his throat: eventually, he ran out of the house. The motive for the assault does not distinctly appear; but the woman had let fall some words indicating a suspicion that Boyle wanted to get rid of her and take her property.