THE MAGAZINES.
Mn, ARTINDEL nzr, Rk, who writes in the June Nineteenth Century on "Why Italy Went to War," bases his defence of Italy on the speech of Signor &Aland= of May 20th and the testimony of the Green Book. He has no difficulty in showing that Austria had violated the raison d'efre of the Triple Alliance—the equilibrium and peace of Europe—not merely in the spirit but the letter, by her Balkan policy; that the concessions suggested by Baron Burian were value- less in that they entirely failed to secure Italy any strategic domination of the Adriatic ; and that throughout the period of "conversations" the Italian Government strove in every way to find a means of compromise which, while safeguarding Italy's most elementary national and strategical interests, should be acceptable to Germany and Austria. It was not until these efforts were exhausted that Italy denounced the Triple Alliance and approached the Entente Powers with a view to discussing her future position. The writer concludes by remarking that this is not a Cabinet war. "It is the war of a single-purposed and united nation determined at all costs to defend its sacred rights, and those of Belgium, Serbia, and Poland, in the name of honour, justice, and freedom." As regards the South Slays, he re-echoes the sentiment of an Italian Deputy : "We only fear those Slays who are instru- ments of Vienna's policy."—Under the heading "The Resiliency of Russia" Mr. Robert Maohray contributes an interesting study of the operations on the eastern front. We may note that he differs strongly from the view of certain experts that the whole East Prussian campaign was a chival- rous enterprise designed by Russia for the relief a her allies, which it secured by compelling the transfer of German army corps from the west to the east. Mr. Machray would be the last to disparage Russian chivalry, but he points out that von Huidenburg's reinforcements were drawn not from the western front but the interior of Germany, and maintains that Russia's main motive in invading East Prussia was to dia. tract ,Germany, and prevent her from sending assistance to Austria, an aim which was largely fulfilled. The object of the second East Prussian campaign was, he further contends, the same as that of the first—to attract to, and keep busily engaged in, that portion of the eastern theatre as many Germans as possible. In both lie finds, in spite of severe losses and reverses, incontestable evidence of Russia's "resiliency," while he is care- ful to discount the premature exultation of newspaper corre- spondents, and frankly admits the gravity of the situation in Galicia. The events of the last fortnight lend weight to Mr. Machray's tribute to the tenacity of our great ally.—Mr. Ellis Barker has along paper on "Frederick the Great and William the Second," in which he traces the lineal descent of modern German statesmanship not from Bismarck but Frederick the Great " Treitschke and Bernhardi are not innovators but imitators. They are merely expounders of the methods of Frederick the Great." Mr. Barker, who lays stress on the temperainental resemblances between the Kaiser and his great forerunner—their un-German vivacity, restlessness, versatility, and religiosity—draws largely upon the volu- minous writings of Frederick the Great, many of which have not been published in English. He contrasts the noble pro- fessions of the Anti-Machiowl with the purely Machiavellian policy of the war on Austria and the unblushing cynicism of the Histoire de Ines Temps, in which the "scrap of paper" principle was frankly stated. He also notes that, while the most thrifty of monarchs. Frederick spent lavishly on spies, bribery, and corruption, and habitually posed as an injured innocent. In conclusion, he finds in the issue of the Seven Years' War a lesson to optimists not to underrate the advantages which the Germanic combination, led by a permanent military dictator- ship, enjoys in a war against a coalition.—Two articles deal with the atrocities committed by the German Army. Mr. Nolan was detained in Germany during the early weeks of the war, and from what he heard there from German soldiers had already formed the opinion that the German Army had laid itself open to grave charges in Belgium. Yet even so, he was inclined to believe that there bad been great exaggeration. This scepticism has now yielded to a reluctant conviction of the existence of gross, systematic, and extensive brutality, sanctioned and instigated by the governing element in Germany—a conviction based largely on personal interviews with victims or witnesses of this brutality. The records of the Bryce Report, he observes, should surely inspire in us a crusade-like fervour to exact retribution for the outrage on justice and humanity which they reveal, and he hopes that it will inspire the whole nation to a new conception of the great moral cause for which we have to fight. Professor J. H. Morgan summarizes the results of his investigations into German atrocities in France, which be undertook for the Home Office last November, and which lasted for upwards of four months. His material was submitted to the Bryce Committee, but some of it is now made public for the first time, and only deepens the impression of horror already pro- duced.—Amongst other articles of special and general interest we may note Mr. Steel-lfaitland's comparison of the economic strain on England and Germany ; Miss Sellers's advice on the entertaining of refugees, and Sir Horace Plunkett's account of the remarkable work done by Dr. McCarthy of Wisconsin in connexion with University Exten- sion, the establishment of the Legislative Reference Library, the conservation of national resources, and agricultural development on co-operative lines.
In the National Review the editor pointedly dissociates himself from the attacks on Lord Kitchener, while maintain- ing the need of applying the salutary tonic of criticism to the Government. Unfortunately in the application of this sound principle he indulges in a great deal of retrospective and personal recrimination of the "Copperhead" type.— Mr. Maurice Low in "American Affairs" illustrates the stupidity and arrogance of German diplomacy in the United States. He asserts that the determination of the President to remain neutral has rallied to him the support of all decent Americans. As an instance of the foolish expenditure of money by the German Government he tells the following curious story "Last month a page advertisement was inserted in 200 leading newspapers, at a cost, it is estimated, of £20,000, urging manufac- turers to stop work en their contracts for war supplies, and appealing to the working men to strike in case the manufacturers declined to abandon their contracts. 11313 advertisement was signed by the editors and _publishers of 421 journals printed in foreign languages in the United States, and stated that its coat ' has been voluntarily given in the shape of small contributions by our people.' As the great majority of these journals eke out a precarious exigence and have difficulty in making both ends meet, their generosity was surprising. When the public wanted to know the reason for this excessive generosity came forward Mr. Louis N. Hammerling, who modestly declared he and not the • voluntary contributions' had paid for the advertisements. Mr. Hammerling is a Republican who took a somewhat active part in the last Presidential campaign. He is an Austrian by birth, he began life as a mule-driver in a Pennsylvania coal mine, and he is now said to be a millionaire. Of course he disclaims any connec- tion with the German Government, but to mast persons the identity of the paymaster is obvious, and the effort to force strikes in the factories manufacturing war supplier for the Allies does not need to be explained. But the attempt has been as futile as a great many others made by the Germans. No manufacturer has abandoned his contracts ; no working man has thrown up his job. The public has not given its support to the movement. Mr. Hammerling or the German Government or the polyglot Press, whichever it may be, is out £20,000, and 200 American newspapers printed in English aro Jrao,000 better off. If the German Govern- ment is satisfied, certainly no one else ought to complain."
—Mr. Arnold White writes on "The Friendship of Russia," taking his stand on the assertion that alike in the national character, the circumstances of its growth, the respect for antiquity, the connexion of Church with State, the marked gradations of the different classes, and the rapidly extending centres of local self-government, the civilization of Russia has more analogies with that of England than with either Con- tinental, Asiatic, or American institutions. He surveys the close connexion between the Russian and British Navies from the days of Peter the Great describes the intellectual rapprochement between the two countries, and devotes a good deal of space to the Jewish question, in which he defends the repressive and reactionary policy of Russian Ministers as being the only one which is compatible with the develop- ment of Russia on national lines.—We may also note an able paper by a naval correspondent on "The Restora- tion of the Board of Admiralty." The writer holds that "there never has been and there never will be a civilian First Lord to whom it is safe to entrust the powers which properly belong to sailors alone." The writer's comments on the operations in the Dardanelles are in striking con- trast with those of Colonel Mande in the Contemporary. After paying due homage to the magnificent exploit of the Australians and New Zealanders, he sums up the situation as follows :— "The southern end of the peninsula is shaped somewhat like a boot. At the time of writing, the main detachment of British troops holds the toe and is slowly advancing towards the instep, while the Australians and New Zealanders hold the ankle, opposite %Rid Bahr, which is the fort on the European side of the Narrows. Between the two sonee there are ten miles of hilly and difficult country. Between Kilid Bahr and Bulair, where the peninsula joins the mainland, are thirty miles of hill, valley, fort, and village. Before the Straits can be passed by ships the whole of that country must be cleared. Now that the landing has been effected, and a base of supply established at the southern end of the peninsula, the operation is practicable. The time it will take to accomplish depends upon the number of men and the extent of the resources available."
This, it may be noticed, was written before the appearance of German submarines in the Aegean.—The number contains a large-scale map of the seat of war in Flanders and Northern France, and the greater part of the Bryce Report on German atrocities.
Mr. A. P. Nicholson, writing on "The Nation and the Government" in the Contemporary Review, while applauding the patriotic action of the Opposition leaders, the Labour Party (with the exception of the seven I.L.P. members), the Nationalists, and the men of Ulster, vigorously condemns the attacks of those journalists whom he likens to the American "Copperhead's" in the Civil War, who strove in the North to thwart Lincoln and upset his Government He quotes very appositely Lincoln's rejoinder to their criticisms:—
" A deputation called upon President Lincoln one day to com- plain of his conduct of the war, and he made the apt comparison between himself and Blondin, the man who walked across Niagara Falls on a rope. 'Gentlemen,' he said, 'suppose all the property you are worth was in gold, and you had put it in the hands of Blondin to carry across the Niagara Falls on a rope, would you shake the cable, or keep shouting out to him Blondin, stand up a little straighter; Blondin, stoop a little ,more ; go a little faster—lean a little more to the north—lean a little more to the south ? No; you would hold your breath as well as your tongue, and keep your hands off until he was safe over. The Government are carrying an immense weight. 'Untold treasures are in their hands. They are doing the very best they can. Don't badger them."
Incidentally we may note his appeal to literary men and novelists to turn their talents to better acommt than that of irresponsible criticism and vilification. "There has been something too much of these novelists of ours, who to the number of legion have been deluging the Press with their talk about the war. . .. Let our novelists write novels, and enter- taining novels, which shall refresh the thoughts of the anxious or the weary, and divert the sick in hospital. That is their job, and we should keep them to it." He also appeals to journalists of " the Opposition rump" to abandon bitter criticism for practical suggestion—" to think out and put on paper the vague schemes for organizing our resources which haunt their imagination." Mr. Nicholson does not love conscription, and does not believe that up till now it has been necessary, but he admits that "perhaps it will come now, preceded by some system of registration for war service."—Dr. Dillon's paper on" Italy and the Second Phase of the War" is noteworthy for its indictment of Signor Giolitti as the evil genius of Italian politics, and a detailed account of his collusive negotiations with Prince Billow. He further asserts that during the development of the German intrigue the plotters "had the full benefit of the co-operation of the Vatican, of its reorganized Press and its crafty agents." The situation was saved by the "noble attitude of the Italian nation and the King" and the moral courage of Baron Sonnino and Signor Salandra. Dr. Dillon, while admitting Italy's strategic weakness on her land and sea frontiers, holds that her con- tribution to the military and naval forces of the Allies may turn the balance in their favour, and that her intervention will probably be followed by that of Ronmania.—Sir Thomas Whittaker, M.P., discusses the drink question as a convinced Prohibitionist, but with the same moderation which marked his contributions to recent debates in the House of Commons. Many of his arguments in favour of State purchase, especially those on the financial side, coincide with those adtanced in our columns.—Mr. Ameer Ali contributes a very interesting "historical and juridical sketch" of the Caliphate, describing the origin, doctrines, and development of the two great sects of Sunnis and Shialls, the rule of the Abbasides, and the transference of the Caliphate to the Ottoman conqueror Selim in 1517. The House of ()threan have enjoyed this heri- tage for "four centuries without challenge or dispute," and Mr. Ameer Ali, "speaking as one outside the Sunni sect, but to some extent cognisant of its recognized doctrines and living sentiments," believes that "it would be far more conducive to the well-being of the great communities in whose pacific development England, France, and Russia are interested, to preserve intact the prestige and influence of this sacred institution than to allow it to be thrown into the melting-pot of intestinal discord and schismatic strife.— Colonel F. N. Maude writes on the Dardanelles, defending the policy of an attempt to force them without the co-operation of troops on land, and insisting on the difficulties which beset the Turks in the defence of their positions. For the other side of the medal we advise our readers to read the article by a naval correspondent in the National Review.
Mr. Mallook in the Fortnightly reiterates that the policy of Germany is that of a fighting savage. There is of course nothing new to bring forward, but at the same time the article is useful. English people are inclined to forget quickly, and unless we insist now there is a danger that in the future this country will be lenient, because it will allow itself to be persuaded that the horrors which the world is enduring were brought about by a small dominant class. There is only one way of confuting the German gospel of lawless force. It is by showing that it of necessity raises up opposition stronger than itself—Mr. Archibald Hurd writes on "The Miracle of the War." He insists that the result of the formation of the new Armies is one of which we have every right to be proud. What he does not say is that the necessity for doing all this under fire at the eleventh hour is a thing of which the nation and its statesmen should be ashamed. He does, however, say that the military adminis- tration should have recognized the need of the greater pro- duction of armaments, and should not have allowed the haphazard enlistment of workers who were wanted to make munitions.—Mr. A. C. Dunstan describes how he and his family escaped from imprisonment in Germany. Having lived in that country for some years, he was not only able to speak German well, but he knew the character of the people. He was in East Prussia when the war broke out, and witnessed the abominable treat- ment of the Russian labourers and their families. In the hot weather of August men, women, and children were herded together without shelter and without food, no protest being made by the German public. A few kindly individuals gave food to some of the prisoners, but this was exceptional, though the unfortunate people were in full view of the town of Konigeberg. The following quotation gives an instance of the amazing way in which the German people have sunk to depths of ferocity which were unbelievable before the war:— " It is difficult to write coolly of the brutality whisk I now have to describe. I had lived for ten years in Konigsberg, and during all that time I had seen little brutality beyond some unnecessary violence on the part of a few policemen- The Germans had con- cealed their brute instincts well When we were placed amongst these lined-up peasants, of whom there were some two hundred, it was about one o'clock. The peasants had already been standing about an hour in the hot sun, and we were with them for another hour. We were guarded by soldiers with fixed bayonets under the command of a Feldwebel (sergeant), who had a long whip. Occasionally an officer appeared on the scene. Many of the women were holding babies in their arms, and few were without some young children. Tired with standing so long lined up in fours with little breathing spare in the hot sun, the women and children continually swayed and fell out of line. As aeon as any one staggered out of place—man, woman, or child—he or she was lashed unmercifully by the Feldwebel with the whip, or struck by the soldiers with bayonets. The peasants were docile, and this mumercifal whipping was quite unnecessary. What is still worse to have to record is the fact that the officers who occasionally passed by did nothing to stop this brutality, whilst the greater part of the crowd of onlookers encouraged it. To their honour a Sew in the crowd expressed their disgust, but their protests were unheeded."
Mr. Dunstan managed to escape by a combination of cool- ness and chance, indeed, he seems to have merely sauntered out of Germany past sentries and officials. Of course it was his experience which enabled him to know when it was possible to do this.—Mr. H. C. Woods writes of the Gallipoli Peninsula from personal knowledge. Hie view is that it presents obstacles to our troops which are very great, and he looks forward to our advance being very slow unless we can atop supplies of ammunition reaching the Turks.
The paper in _Blackwood entitled "Through the German Lines" is an episode of the retreat from Mona. The more one reads of this achievement, or hears it described by wounded men who took part in it, the more one is lost in admiration. Which are we to admire more—the unconquer- able spirit of individuals, or the marvellous training and organization which made this retreat coherent and successful ? The present description leaves us in doubt, but with the feeling that here we see only two manifestations of one spirit, and that of England at its best. It is difficult to summarize a paper like this, for it consists of a mass of details, one predicament leading to another. The climax is reached when a detachment of men get separated from the main body in the dark, and find themselves encompassed by the Germane. What follows is almost unbelievable, for this body marched, chiefly by night, right across the German lines of communica- tion and extricated itself. This result we suspect was largely due to the ability of the writer of the amount before us,— We have to take leave of "The Junior Sub" of "I< (I)" and his men, whom we have got to know as friends. The envoi is a little poem which tells us that they are going, "and come of no will not come back"
"But all we ask, if that befall, Is this. Within your hearts be writ
This single-line memorial—
He did his duty—and his bit!"
—Colonel MacMuun brings before us the incident of a death in a hospital for Indian soldiers in England which makes us, like De Quincey, "shudder at the mystic sublimity of castes that have flowed apart and refused to mix through such immemorial tracts of time." A sweeper who, in doing his humble day before a dug-out at the front, was wounded, reached a hospital in England, where his loneliness caused him to find friends. But death came, and with it a dilemma; and, as the babu in the registrar's office remarked, there was "a pretty kettle of fish." What was to happen to the body? The Mohammedan burial-ground at Woking would not take it, and cremation was not appropriate to this tnehtar "Then there cams by an English Vicar who heard of the dilemma, and offered to bury the dead alien in Christian ground. . . . And thus it came about that Buldoo, sweeper and outcast, Dam of the village of Tokh Sayanwalla, in the province of the Punjaub, was buried in consecrated Christian ground in old England, hard by the Crusaders' wall in the Church of St. Mary Within—a fit subject for those who moralize on the endings of man, and the time when the first shall be last and the last shall be first."
—When the great account of the war is finally made up, and the heroic self-sacrifices are reckoned, a high value will he set on the services of those who have given themselves to help the sick and wounded in Serbia. Miss L. E. Fmser's *Diary of a Dresser in the Serbian Unit of the Scottish Women's Hospital" is one of the documents which enable us to catch a glimpse of what is being done. Red Cross work in England may seem difficult sometimes to those who are doing it, but many of the smaller annoyances must be reduced to their real proportions by reading such an account as this. Miss Fraser herself was fortunate, for she was working in a hospital which was able to be reduced to order and cleanli- ness. Her account of the typhus hospital where Dr. BONI worked, however, is appalling. The wonder is not that this de- voted lady succumbed, but that any one survived. The surgical hospital which Miss Fraser describes was very different, She tells us that the orderlies were almost all Austrian prisoners, many being schoolmasters. They were for the most part of Slav race, and therefore in sympathy with the Serbs. At the same time, real Austrians and Magyars were there doing work unguarded, and always well treated. Indeed, we get a picture of the Serb which shows high qualities, and his kindness to his prisoners seems to be great, What he has to learn is something about sanitation. This ignorance is producing the most terrible results now, and if cholera should make its appearance the ravages will be awful.
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