l'OP1CS OP THE DAY.

POLITICAL DISUNION BETWEEN TITE MIDDLB, AND WORKING CLASSES.

" In the year 1821, 19 petitions were pre-ented in favour of Reform. In the we IF 1822 the number as reduced to 12. In the year le23, the number WAS ; er he year 1824, the:c was no pi:Mimi at all in favour of Reform. The sanv was the case in the rears 1,825, 18'21L 1827, 1828, and 1829. In the session of 1830, there were 14. Then came the dissolution of Parliament."— Mr. Craves Speech on the mernorabk ht of March lt131. THAT !deli degree of intellectual self je session which enables' a man to form ()pinions without regard to his own wishes, is un- fortunately rare indeed. Except upon very urgent occasions, when th ught is stimulated to ',ureic the truth alone, most people behest., if not precisely that which they hope is true. yet something which rather accords with their own inclination than results from the evidence before them. This is the source of in- fatuation. Ito !edifice especially, where the case is nearly always very complex, and twill more especially in a transition state of polities, whet, mighty interests are at stake, all ranks of the vul- gar are afflicted u ith the worst site t ..r mental blindness : they cannot see, because they will not. Their judgment is oserlaid by their passions. Whet they like, they will believe, contrary to Mi.. denee ; what they dislike they will tee believe, although it be (wile plain to the unbiassed oh•cI'I•rr. They go on in a state of agreeable self-delusion, until ettlighteneil by arriving at events al- together unexpected.

To this suit of infatuation may be attributed the fact, that great political changes have scarcely ever mowed without violence. The ruling class, deeply iitteeested ii, maintining what is, have been blind to the necessity for alteration, and have therefore

ob-tinat. ly resisted the popular demands. Hence, in nine eases out of ten, revolution has taken the place of reform. But there is one great example of peaceful organic change. which, as an ex- ception, goes to prove the rule. It is true, us Mr. CRORER has often said, that Reform of Parliament was carried by the "dread of physical fuse." But how was that dread occasioned ? It was ticeasiened by an active press, which first of all enab'ed the people to become powerful through combination, and then, by dint of reiteration, forced the ruling class to understand the re- solves and believe in the power of the millions. In all human probability, this country would have had a revolution instead of a reterno, if it had not been for the newspapers. We thus arrive at the conclusion, that in troubled times the highest function of a political journal is to watch unceasingly the progress of events, and always to speak of things as they are.

These reflections have been suggested by evidence of a recent and very important change in the temper of the working classes of Great Britain, and further by observing that politicians of the middle or ruling class pay no attenvon to the subject. Consider- ing the nature of the subject. though many may shrink from ascertaining the whole truth with rapt et to it, none will deny that the task ought to be performed. We proceed, therefore, to the itiquiry, though fearing that its results may prove not less distasteful to our readers than to ourselves.

All acknowledge, that towards the close of 1830, when the Duke of WELLINGTON gave way to Earl GREY, this country escaped but narrowly from a terrible convulsion. What was it that made WELLINGTON advise the King to disappoint the citi- zens of London on the 9th of November ? What caused that political fright in which one of the most ambitious and resolute of men then slunk out of power ? It was the attitude, as Mr.CROXIM used to say, of the physical force. Allowing for the beneficial influence of newspapers, and without adverting to the causes of that state of things under which the French Revolution of July was very nearly the immediate cause of a revolution here,' it ap- pears unquestionable that this country escaped a revolution chiefly by means of union between the middle class and those classes which compose the physical force. The Political Unions filled up the place for cotnanotions. It' Lord GREY projected the Reform Bill as a substitute for revolution, THOMAS ATTWOOD carried the wise scheme into effect. The Refortn Bill peacefully obtained— this is what we owe to a close union between the middle and the working classes; and a large portion of the debt is assuredly due to the latter. We of the middle class gained our end: have they of the working classes gained theirs ? In order to answer the question, we must see with what motives they entered into the union.

There is abundance of proof that the working classes as a body, with little time for contemplatioe, and almost coustantly

occupied with physical circumstances, have never, since " educa- tion" put an end to their long-lived conspiracy with the aristo-

cracy against the middle class—since they ceased to shout " No

Popery" and "Church and King "—been moved by abstract poli- tical notions. More especially for some }cars previous to 1830„

their petitions to Parl iament,bardly any of which prayed for organic political change,* nearly all of which prayed for relief from some kind of " distress," show that they were discontented, not with a state of politics, but with a state of political economy. NVItether this arose from a change in the state of political economy, or from a change in their minds produced by " education," or from both, is of no consequence to the present subject: there is the fact—they were discontented, not with rotten boroughs. but with low wages, the want of leisure, and the want of any but an anxious prospect for their old age and for their swarms of chil- dren. Neglected, spurned by the rotten House of Commons, then it was, opportunity serving, that they became Parliamentary Reformers. But even then, they regarded Reform of Parliament as nothing but the means to an improvement of their economical state. And, indeed, during their struggle for the Refbrm Bill, uncommon pains were taken to impress upon them a belief that wages would rise under the legislation of a Reformed Parliament. THOMAS ArrwooD, with his declamation against. " PEEL'S Bill," was not the only preacher of this doctrine. It e as preached by every aristocratic and middle-class Reformer, who assured the working classes that they, the unrepresented, had a deep interest in obtaining the suffrage for the middle class. The working classes believed these oft-repeated and solemn assurances. HENRY HUNT'S story about the servant-girl who, in 1831, declined en- gaging herself with Mrs. HUNT for more than six months,

because she expected that wages would be higher as soon as the Reform Bill was passed, is a good illustration of the motives with which working men joined tie Political Unions, and so passed the Ref )rm Bill.

Let us admit that such expectations were in some measure un- reasonable—still there was no extravagance in the hope a hich per- vaded the working classes in 1831 and '32, that a House of Com- mons representing the middle class, would seriously inquire into the causes of low wages and low profits, would repeal the really wicked Corn-laws, and would otherwise anxiously occupy itself with questions relating to the condition of the bulk of the people. They had a right to expect further, that, at all events, the new representatives of the middle class would display towards the • working classes a feeling of gratitude and kindness—perhaps we might say, of respect ; for the cordial and powerful aid which the working classes then gave to the middle class deserved no less a return. Such were the motives of the working classes fur remain- ing united with the middle class down to the first Reformed Parliament.

Then, for the first time, we heard from such men as Lord ALTHORP and Lord STANLEY, that the Reform Bill was a " final measure." Next came the Coercion Bill for Ireland, which would have been scouted by the last Unreformed Parliament. Since then, what?—party struggles, court intrigues, profitless changes of Ministry, general dissatisfaction with the present, nothing certain or definite as to the future, a nice balance of mere parties, with "a state bordering on revolution," and, at last, a complete stoppage of the legislative machine, to the effect that practical improvements are more difficult now than before the abolition of rotten boroughs. Considering our subject, it is impossible to exclude from this cata- logue of the products of the Reform Bill, the transportation of Dorchester labourers, ignorant of the law, for an offence which royal and noble lawmakers had committed with impunity. Upon the whole, it appears that the performance of the promises which we made to the working classes in 1831 and '32, has been worse than nothing. Corrimon justice, then, forbids us to blame them for their present feelings of disappointment and anger. Amongst the labouring class, who cannot make known their sen• timents by means of prominent individuals of their own order, and who have hitherto always sought leaders from another class, the strongest political feelings may exist without obtaining much notice. But there are three other circumstances which help to account for the little importance which the middle class attach to the actual political temper of the working classes. In the first place, those working classes, about whom we of the middle class used to inquire, and talk, and write with such zeal and affection, when they were carrying the Reform Bill I.r us, seem to have been quite forgotten by us since we obtained our "new charter." Secondly, it naturally required much time and many proofs to convince them of' the extent to which they were deluded in 1831 and '32 ; so that, at all events, their present feelings could not suddenly have assumed that definite and important character which invites observation. And lastly, referring to a good state of political economy as the real object of their political views, the accidental but remarkable " prosperity " of the last two years has greatly tended to divert their attention from politics. The old " pressure," arising from deficiency of employment in proportion

to labour, has not been felt since 1833, but seems to be now coming on al are. We are inclined to think that the classes who live from hand to mouth by wages, are apt to have what to others seems like a sort of second-sight with respect to the approach of had times. They are moved by the strongest impulse to observe every to mptom of a coming decrease in the value of their only property. But be this, as it may, the present political disposition of the working classes has not been manifest, nor did it perhaps exist, till quite lately. What that disposition is, is indicated by evidence of a wish to separate themselves politically from all the other classes, and to pursue objects in which no other class participates. Both in aim and in action, they have begun, at least, to set up a standard of their own. We hear much now of " the non-electors," " the un- represented," " the excluded," and so forth ; and we are begin- ning to hear of " universal suffrage." Electioneerers know that in boroughs where the working class have influence, either as 'voters or as the customers of voters, the class of voters are greatly

embarrassed by the prospect of a " universal suffrage " candidate at the next election, and that it is impossible to make out the prospect of a majority against the Tory candidate. In such places, the working people are known to say—" What should we care fur the difference between Whig and Tory ? We will try for a man of our own, happen what may." Newcastle is a good ex- ample; and even at Sheffield, we fear, there may be an Ultra- Radical opposition to Mr. WARD.* As for any thing like union between the working and the middle classes at the next general election, there is now no chance of it—unless, perhaps, general

the

speedy adoption by the middle class of " the DURHAM policy." Again, we happen to knew that some leaders of the middle class, who had intended to call a public meeting in London for the purpose of supporting Mr. GROTE'S motion for the Ballot, have abandoned their project; and why ?—because they feel assured that at a public meeting in London the working classes would move and carry a resolution against secret voting, unless accompanied by universal suffrage. The growing dislike of the working classes to the Ballot, is the plainest, as it is the worst symptom of their inclination to act for and by themselves alone, and even, for the sake of their own separate objects, with hos- tility to the middle class. Want of space compels us to quit this subject for the present; but if our views are not very erroneous, we shall have frequent occasion to return to it. We are desirous also to leave room for the fbllowing interesting letter; but without adopting, be it un- derstood, the writer's feelings or opinions. We answer only for the matter of fact which it contains ; and, however unpleasant that may be, feel bound to lay such important information before our readers.