THE OXFORD ELECTION
By SIR. ARTHUR SALTER, M.P.
FEEL able to respond to the request for some comment on the Oxford election because its significance is obviously political and not personal. Sir Farquhar Buzzard, who was next on the poll, is a man of great distinction both in Oxford and elsewhere ; King's Physician, Regius Professor, a member of the Hebdomadal Council—as well as a Blue who has remained in touch with sportsmen of a younger generation— and he is universally respected. It is evident that the electors voted not for me, as against him, but for the principles of policy for which I stand.
The significance of the result, so regarded, is surely very considerable. Oxford University has had a long record of Conservative representatives until at the last election Mr. A. P. Herbert made a notable breach in the tradition by being returned as second member after Lord Hugh Cecil, as an Independent ; though he promised general support of the National Government.
In this election Professor Lindemann, standing as a Con- servative, but without the endorsement of the official organisa- tion, had the ardent support of all the principal Conservative Press except The Times—the Daily Telegraph, Morning Post, Evening Standard, Daily Mail, Daily Express, Sunday Times and—at first, though later it adopted a neutral attitude— the Observer ; and was further assisted by such great names as Sir Austen Chamberlain and Mr. Winston Churchill. Sir Farquhar Buzzard had the powerful, unqualified and skilful support of The Times. He was not only the chosen candidate of the Oxford Conservative organisation but was also endorsed by the Central Office. As against this I had the support of the Manchester Guardian, the News Chronicle and some of the weeklies, in particular The Spectator. I had no party machine and my helpers were all voluntary.
Taking all these facts into consideration I thought that perhaps I might just get in on a split vote. In that case the result would have had no important political meaning. But in fact my vote was greater than the combined vote of the other two candidates. The significance of the result is of course much greater because the constituency is not a local one. The electors are dispersed throughout the country and a substantial proportion of them are people of influence in their respective circles. There is a strong presumption that if the electors of Oxford have shown an impressive movement towards a different policy and outlook, they reflect a similar movement throughout the country. What, then, did they mean by their vote ? I stood as an Independent in the fullest sense, declining all party whips, not unconditionally either an opponent or a supporter of the National Government, but both conditionally ; my alle- giance is not to a party but to declared principles of policy. These principles were set out fully and frankly in a long address of 8,000 words sent to all electors. They were in effect those of the next " Five Years Group," comprising a realistic League of Nations policy and a middle programme, selective from right and left, for domestic problems.
Those of us who have been advocating opinions of this kind, whether in the next " Five Years Group " or in the numerous other associations and movements with a similar purpose, have long been convinced that there is a vast public which would wish to support them but can find no adequate medium of expression through the ordinary electoral machinery. A great number of electors now abstain from voting ; many more vote reluctantly for one party or another, having no candidate to support who represents the policy they would prefer. The electors of Oxford, therefore, seized eagerly an opportunity which is not presented to them in their residential constituencies, where no candidate can have any hope of success unless he has the help of the party machine, or can obtain that without accepting a party programme and submitting to a party discipline. Many doubtless still voted on party lines, but a very great number marked their definite opinion that University representation (which is additional to the ordinary franchise) should be used not to increase the number of party members but to afford an expression for the kind of policy which is denied represen- tation in ordinary constituencies.
I cannot now discuss the possible, or desirable, conse- quences of the existence of this middle opinion upon political organisation or affiliations. I will conclude by stating definitely my own conviction, long entertained and now con- firmed, as to the extent and range of this opinion. I believe sincerely that those who would prefer a " middle policy " and those who, to secure more national unity in the face of our dangers, would be ready to accept such a policy in the immediate future, together constitute not only a large pro- portion, but the vast majority of the people of England who are actively interested in public affairs.
It is a policy not of mere compromise but of creative selection ; it is not a " lowest common denominator " of rival progranimes, but a CoMbination of their best eleinentS ; abOve all it is not a policy whiCh attempts to avert opposition' by inactivity. " A froward retention of custom," said Bacon, " is as turbulent a thing as an innovation ; and they that reverence too much old times are but a scorn to the new." We shall achieve both stability and unity Only byconstnictive poliCy ; and pieserve Only by Change In spite of all our differences there is a British "Everyman " and this is whit he wants. How can the political- system be adjusted so as to secure it ? That is the great problem of out political system.
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