THE MAGAZINES.

THE shadow of the Education Bill lies heavy on the new Nineteenth Century, no fewer than six articles being devoted

to the subject. Dr. Macnamara, who leads off, is a whole- hearted supporter of the Bill : incidentally be expresses his confidence that the policy of the secularist party is hopelessly out of touch with the national sentiment. Mr. Herbert Paul follows on much the same lines, except that he is more passionate in his denunciation of secularism : as he puts it, "education without religion is not education at all." Religion with him must involve Theism, but he refuses to admit that it must be dogmatic. "To regard the existence of God, so far more real than one's own, as a dogma, a proposition requiring formal proof, is to my mind practical Atheism." The Arch- bishop of Westminster's opposition to the Bill is chiefly based on the view that "simple Bible teaching" is "not only utterly useless to, but must be absolutely rejected by," members of the Roman Church. There can therefore be no alliance with the Established Church in this matter, because the latter has often surrendered what the Roman Catholics can never yield. Lord Halifax's attack on the measure is even more fiery in its un, compromising antagonism. The new scheme is, in his eyes, simply the establishment of Nonconformity, and the temper of the article may best be gathered from his statement that it is founded on the following four assumptions :—

"(1) That there is such a thing as fundamental or undenomi- national Christianity which can be of the least use to anybody ; (2) that such a residuum of religious teaching as may remain after the elimination from it of everything to which the various

i sects calling themselves Christian object, n any way deserves the name of Christian; (3) that the qualification of the teacher

and his competence to give religious instruction are matters of no consequence in regard to the character of the religious instruction given by him in the school; (4) that moral instruction can be effective apart from the sanctions of religion."

Lord Halifax, who quotes largely from Archbishop Temple's Life in support of his view, contends that the only solution of the difficulty is to be found in "the recognition by the State, as in Germany, of the religious teaching of all denominations alike, by a friendly neutrality on the part of the State to all religions, and by the maintenance by the State of all schools,

whether denominational or not, which comply with the State requirements as to educational efficiency." As for Mr.

Birrell's Bill, "we shall oppose it by every means at our

disposal as a merciless abuse of power, a gross suppression of conscience, and a flagrant denial of Christian liberty."

Dr. Guinness Rogers in a singularly temperate paper extends a general support to the Bill, while admitting its need of amendment. He owns that he is largely in agreement with Bishop Gore's strong objection-to andenominational teaohing,

and protests vigorously against the injustice of the view which identifies undenominationalism with the religion of Noncon- formity. In a striking passage he contends that the people as a whole have benefited by the sweeping away of class or Church privileges. "Our "Universities were once the appanage of the Established Church. They were thrown open, and the nation has had abundant reason to rejoice that it has been

able to welcome the increase of power from the training of brain hitherto left uncared for." Lastly, Mr. Lathbuiy, in a

very able article, deprecates opposition to inevitable and unobjectionable features of the Bill. In his view, Churchmen should concentrate their hostility on the points that are really vital,—viz., the extension of local option to the religious diffi, culty, and the exclusive endowment of undenominationalism. We must strongly condemn Mr. Lathbury's view in regard

to the latter point; but in regard to the former, he subjects the principle of local option as applied to the extension or limitation of facilities to some very damaging criticism, on

the ground that it is bound to provoke local friction. The alternative scheme of universal facilities, which Lord Halifax is prepared to accept, Mr. Lathbury tells us that he long

supported, but has now abandoned, because be has become a convert to the secularisation of schools, adding that, "however much Churchmen may dislike the secular solution, their success in resisting the present Bill will depend upon their readiness to accept that solution in preference to the undenominational solution." In other words, rather than

accept the present Bill, the Church is to join with those who desire to banish the Bible from our system of national education. Our readers know what we think of that policy, and we need not, therefore, repeat it here.

We are glad to find that the editor of the National Review has recovered from the temporary depression brought about by the debcicle of the Protectionist Party. The cause of this happy change is the Government's Education Bill. Mr. Birrell is now promoted from the category of "poisonous politicians," and has become one of the chief assets of the Unionist Party.

It is pleasant also to find that the editor has developed a most enthusiastic admiration for the Bishops, who have been con- verted from "episcopal mandarins" into statesmen and orators of the highest order, the Bishop of Manchester, in particular, having "literally annihilated" the Education Bill. We had always thought that mandarins were incorrigible, but it turns out that they are only dormant statesmen.—Captain Mahan's "Reflections on the Far Eastern War," based in part on Admiral Togo's Report, is interesting reading, though it suffers from a tendency to prolixity. Captain Mahan adheres to his opinion that, with reference to the land campaign only, the Russians were justified in the retention of Port Arthur, and that had their naval operations as a whole been conducted with anything like the ability shown by Kuropatkiia, the result of the war in Manchuria might have been different. He admits that the supremacy of the battle- ship is established, but regards the worship of the will-o'-the- wisp of higher speed as chiefly responsible for the present vicious circle in which naval construction has become in- volved. Greater speed entails increasing size—and cost— without any prospect of finality, unless by international agreement.—Mr. Maurice Low discusses the causes of the waning of the popularity of President Roosevelt amongst thinking Americans which be alleges to have taken place, the reviving prospects of the Democrats, and the chances at the next Presidential Election of Mr. Bryan, to whom the Conservative Democrats now look to save them from the engulfing evils of Radicalism and Socialism as embodied in Mr. Hearst.—Mr. Reginald Lucas's paper on "The Value of a Public School Education" reminds one of the chapter on the snakes in Iceland. His suggested reforms are a strange mixture of revolution and conservatism. "So far as the school at large is concerned every Greek and Latin book should be destroyed." At the same time, he argues strongly for the retention of clerical Head-Masters.—" Russia on the Rubicon's Brink" is an interesting forecast, already fulfilled in regard to one prediction,—the retirement of Count Witte. But the anonymous writer by no means holds that this means the close of the Russian Prime Minister's public life. As for the Mama, while doubting its ability to achieve any serious legislative work in its first Session, he is clearly of opinion that the Opposition means business and will leave nothing undone to sweep away the existing Government.

"China and the West" is the title of a very interesting paper in the Contemporary. The author, Dr. Timothy Richard, who has lived for thirty-six years in China as a missionary, and has had at times the privileges of a confidential adviser to the Chinese Government, begins by impressing on his readers that the distinction between religious and secular matters is a Western idea : in the East the two categories are inseparable. Dr. Richard's condensed exposition of the main tenets of Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism is noticeable for his discrimination between the Buddhism of India and that which won China, Korea, and Japan. The Conference between the missionaries of Shantung and the chief Confucians, Buddhists, Taoists, and Mohammedans two years ago inspires Dr. Richard with hope, but, as he wisely puts it, "to win China [to Christianity] we must be better statesmen than her Confucianists, better philosophers than her Buddhists, better scientists than her Taoists, and have a more reasonable devotion to God than the Mohammedans. Unless our religion exceeds that of the existing Chinese religions we cannot enter the Kingdom of Heaven." And again : "If our religion is to have its natural effect in bringing China to Christ, it must be displayed not merely in the teaching of missionaries, but in the conduct of the Western nations who send them." It is, in his view, impossible to overcome the alienation of the Chinese except by the abandonment of the standing militarism of modern international intercourse. The whole article is worthy of attentive perusal.—Professor H. M. Posnett writes enthusiastically of "Irish National Imperialism," alias Federalism, as the true solution of the Irish difficulty. The precise nature of the panacea is not very clearly defined.

Edmund Burke, we learn, was its progenitor. Isaac Britt reformulated it in 1870. It is distinct from Devolution, and is nobly superior to Retaliation, Protection, or Tariff barter.

"Freedom of Trade, as well as freedom to manage their own affairs, has formed an essential part of the Irish 'Imperial idea' ever since the middle of the eighteenth century."

Professor Posnett writes most genially and amiably, but

with a tantalising abstention from specific details. He

speaks as though Irish Nationalists were united in support of Free-trade and "National Imperialism" ; but we should greatly like to see his paper criticised by the leaders of the Sinn Fein movement.—Mr. Atherley Jones, K.C.,

M.P., sends a paper on "Trade Disputes," in which he

surveys the course of legislation dealing with workmen's combination, and suggests how the undoubted grievances of Trade-Unionism may be relieved. But he makes no secret of his misgivings as to the result of the action of the Govern- ment in surrendering to the Labour Members. The Trade Disputes Bill, he predicts, " will be rejected by the Lords, or so amended as to take the shape of the Government Bill, but probably in a less satisfactory form. The result will be deplorable, for protection to Trade-Union funds is urgently needed. The counsels of Mr. Burt, of men who fought the battle of Trade-Unionism in the dark days when it was a crime to be a Trade-Unionist, are disregarded, and extravagant demands incapable of fulfilment are preferred to those moderate proposals which would meet all reasonable requirements."—Lord Stanley of Alderley's paper on the Education Bill makes it clear that he is far from regarding it as an altogether satisfactory solution of the difficulty. Holding that the only way to ensure that the religious teaching shall be satisfactory to those who want it is to let them select the teachers, he suggests that the special religious teaching everywhere should be provided at the cost of those desiring it, and by external teachers selected by them. But he would make the " four- fifths " school a right of those asking for it wherever their numbers justified it, provided that there were enough school places equally available and within easy reach of the ordinary population. For the rest, we may note that he clearly does not approve of the granting of educational Home-rule to Wales, and that he sums up his objections to the Bill by expressing his opinion that "in the adjustment of the wishes of existing denominational managers of schools not under public manage- ment the facilities offered them fall short of what they may ask for in view of their supersession by a national system." The article abounds in acute criticisms of detail, but is too technical to admit of adequate notice in this column.

In the Fortnightly Mrs. Hugh Fraser tries to explain to us what the Japanese mean by the " virtue " of the Emperor. It is difficult to grasp the point exactly, but it seems that all shades of opinion in Japan attribute the national victories to the Imperial "virtue." The writer tells us that she has at times doubted the sincerity of the belief, but she has become convinced that even the most Radical obstructionist believes as sincerely as do soldiers, sailors, and officials in the truth of the dogma. It appears that it is not only the "virtue' or protection of the existing Emperor which is involved, but also that of the Imperial ancestors, who award victory to the loyal subjects of their descendant who is on earth. Mrs. Fraser writes with enthusiasm of the present Emperor and of the arduous labours of his office, relaxed only by the com- position of poetry. We are also told that the Emperor, who had minute reports made to him of the condition of his troops in Manchuria, on hearing of the hardships suffered by the soldiers from the cold, ordered that his palace should be no longer warmed.—" Pompeius " describes, as far as it is known, the construction of the 'Dreadnought.' It seems that the ship is made as nearly unsinkable as possible by double bottom and sides, and also by being divided into many water-tight compartments in which there are no doors. To enable the crew to get from one part of the ship to another there will be lifts, while for comfort ventilating and heating apparatus is provided, and ovens for baking bread. Within the framework of the ship are five circular fortresses, each containing two 12 in. guns, and self-contained as to ammunition. Thus have the lessons of the war been applied, and the theories of the

German warship builders controverted. As evidence that we are in the -right, we are told that the Japanese are about to build what will be a sister-ship to the Dreadnought.' This article should be read in connection with that of Captain Mahan in the National Review.

Writing in Blackwood, Sir Henry Smith, the ex-Commis- sioner of the City Police, tells many curious stories of the ways of crime and its detection. Among the things narrated are accounts of the way in which accident worked in favour of the police. On one occasion a criminal was "wanted." London was elaborately searched, but no clue could be found, and the baffled Inspector sought relaxation at the "Zoo." In the first house he entered, where the snakes are, he found the criminal! Even more curious was the incident which Sir Henry Smith records of his travelling to London in a railway carriage with a man whose face he distrusted. At London Bridge Station a detective was told off to follow the man and ascertain where he lived. When Sir Henry Smith got to his office he found a letter awaiting him, giving a minute description of the man seen in the train. The writer denounced the man as a swindler, and asked for an inter- view, at which he offered to give full particulars. An appoint- ment was made, but not kept. Very likely the men were partners and had quarrelled, and the denouncer may on second thoughts have considered that exposure might be dangerous to himself.—An unsigned article deplores the loss of moral in the Army, contending that the indiscriminate giving of medals, often to men who took no part in the actual fighting of a campaign, and the newspapers have contributed to this result. Apparently the writer's complaint against the Press is that it, and through its influence the public, regards soldiers alternately as heroes and scapegoats. Another thing strongly objected to by the writer is the system of volunteering by officers, a system introduced by Lord Wolseley. We are told that it encourages men to be always on the look-out for something, instead of being contented with carrying out their ordinary duties and making themselves ready to be sent anywhere.—" Musings without Method" contains curious descriptions of the seventeenth-century French poisoners, The strange thing about this time of moral epidemic was the attitude of those who were poisoned, but not fatally, and of those who were in danger of being dealt with by the clientele of Madame de Brinvilliers. A sort of gentlemanly indiffer- ence, as appropriate to the player of a game, was the fashion :—

"When Madame de Dreux, who was madly in love with Monsieur de Richelieu, attempted to poison her own husband and her lover's wife, the indiscretion was found as 'divinely diverting' as the epigrams which it inspired. The lady was far too pretty for the scaffold, and was let off by the judges of the Chambre Ardente, whose business it was to suppress sorcery, with a few words of friendly warning. This warning she refused to take. Conducted from the court in triumph by her husband and her friends, she lost no time in seeking a deadly powder wherewith to put an end to a lady upon whom Richelieu had cast an eye."

In the Monthly Review Lady Gregory has collected a number of stories of the belief in spirits shown by the

inhabitants of islands off the Irish coast. These spirits seem to swarm, and are but rarely friendly to ordinary mortals, who, we are told, unlike the dwellers in "far-off barbarous England," are not trying to recover their belief in this cloud of witnesses, for they have never lost touch with them,—this is the way in which the spirits are referred to. And this is how the islanders account for the origin of the mysterious people : "Fallen angels they are said to be. God threw a third part of them into hell with Lucifer, and it was Michael who interceded for the rest. And then a third part were cast into the air, and a third in the land and sea. And here they are all about us, thick as grass." The stories that Lady Gregory has collected about these fallen angels are most tantalising: They never seem to lead anywhere, and the most promising break off when we long to know the end. What, we wonder, happened to the girl who aied, but returned to the curate with her

spirit-lover to be married? The curate performed the ceremony, but nothing further is recorded. As a rule, the spirits merely play impish tricks, such as stealing sticks, for they are great fighters, and they are unimaginative enough to dress, like ordinary people.--Mr. F. Boyle gives a curious account of the Cagots of France. These were a separate people living in small communities scattered over the country, but apparently of the same race. They were treated with great. cruelty by

the ordinary population. In 'the Middle Ages they were allowed to buy but not to sell at markets, were obliged to wear shoes and never allowed to go barefoot, as they were supposed all to be lepers. Until the Revolution these people remained apart, and in 1847 Michel wrote their history. His conclusion was that they were the descendants of Goths who had fought with Charlemagne against the Spaniards.

The Independent Review contains a very interesting article by Mr. A. Holden Byles on the application to England of the Elberfeld system. He insists that its root principles admit of no modification. These are individualisation, subdivision into districts and sub-districts, and decentralisa- tion. The system has proved successful because the number of volunteer helpers has been large enough for every case to be treated on its merits, and not by a general rule applied by an official relieving officer who has to deal with a large number of cases. The great object is not to distribute doles, but to step in at a critical time and prevent the manufacture of paupers. This Elberfeld system is being tried in England, and, although there has not been time to test it thoroughly, the results are encouraging. We shall find some difficulties which do not occur in Germany owing to the much greater power possessed by her police. For instance, if a man spends his wages on gambling and drink the employer can be required to pay the wages direct to the wife, and the police see that the man continues to work just as if the wages were paid to him. Mr. Byles lays stress on the desirableness of the municipal authorities, with the Mayor at their head, publicly treating the volunteer workers with consideration, as in so doing they greatly strengthen their position. The worst cases would still be left to the care of the Poor Law, but by the system advocated a great deal might be done to arrest the downward course of many families, and keep them from the need of becoming chargeable on the rates.— Mr. Masterman becomes dithyrambic over the new Parliament, and drops into poetical similitudes in describing Sir Aenry Campbell-Bannerman. But he seems to have an uneasy suspicion that the edge of the new era of reform and revo- lution is being taken off by old forms. He says that this new Parliament assembled like the Valkyries in the third act of Wagner's drama. What resemblance the legislators at Westminster have to the "choosers of the slain" it is difficult to see. In his passion for national reform, and in his admira- tion of his friends, Mr. Masterman does not see that this Parliamentary majority is very much like others. It has already set about mending the electoral machine, but only in its own party interest.