LETTERS TO THE EDITOR.

THE AGRICULTURAL LABOURER.

[To ms EDITOR OF THE "SPECTATOR.") have read with deep interest the various letters on the Agricultural Labourers' movement which, with the character- istic impartiality of your paper, you have inserted, as also your own instructive articles upon the subject. If I venture to address you these lines, it is because in some recent comments upon the tone of remarks made at some agricultural meetings, you seem to me to have formed your judgment too much on general principles, and to have been imperfectly acquainted with the pre- sent and actual existing local conditions between employer and employed in Oxfordshire and South Warwickshire, which are the mother counties and centre of the movement. I wish, indeed, that some candid-minded inquirer would visit carefully these districts at this season, a man master of social economy, and yet not svedded to dogmatic formulas, sympathising with a class striving to raise its condition, and yet not so indiscriminately enthusiastic as to see in every act done and every word spoken by that class only a fine act of self-defence and a brave word of protest against the grinding weight of hard-hearted oppression. I think the reports of such an investigator, who dealt critically with facts, would be most useful, and tend in many respects to clear up public opinion, for I consider it a serious omission at this moment that the Metro- politan Press should give so little information as to what is really going on in village life, and that thus such opinion as does exist on the relative position of parties in this important movement is mainly drawn from abstract conceptions and ex parte sympathies.

No man outside a small circle of inveterate prejudice can for a moment wish aught but success to any movement which should enable the labourer to secure higher wages,—least of all, if he be a farmer such as he should be, for the labourer that is able permanently to command higher wages is necessarily one of a superior character, and cannot fail to render better service, just as a superior plough does superior work. Now, I venture to affirm that in the districts I have referred to, namely, South Warwick- shire and Oxfordshire, the success of the movement has been fully attained as regards the agricultural season just closed, and that the problem of the moment is only how far it will be possible to secure during the inactive winter-time to the labouring class a pro- portionate scale of improved pay. It is manifest that the satis- factory solution of the problem—and it is an anxious one, for a vast deal probably hinges thereon—must turn on the combined action of two concurrent influences,—on the degree of thrift that may have accompanied the really very high wages earned by the labourer this harvest, coupled with the degree of energy he may he disposed to show in availing himself of many facilities now offering in these parts for high-priced labour in other works than those of agriculture, though often at some distance from home ; and on the degree of the farmer's recognition of the labourer's value, and of his indisposition now to turn round, and pay the tatter off in this dull season for the high price he had to pay at harvest- time.

If the labouring class have improvidently spent all their earn- ings, and show no disposition to seek employments within their grasp, then they must needs be soon again at the mercy of the farmer, unless indeed assistance should come from that mysterious quarter called the Union. But if that assistance should not be forthcoming, and the farmer should show himself prone to avail himself of his advantages to retaliate, then the situation would inevitably become painfully envenomed, and might too easily be attended by circumstances every person would deeply deplore. Well, Sir, I think that between these possible elements of danger, the sullen and smarting employer of labour, and the labourer rather exultant in achieved success, and too much disposed not to exert himself to take advantage of proffered opportunities for industry, and to enjoy being egged on by specious counsellors to advance further claims on the paymasters whom he has had the pleasant experience of finding squeezable, there are only the squires who still may, perhaps, do good work in mediation, in taking off the sharp angles of conflicting elements, which if brought into actual colli- sion threaten by their shock to strike out angry flames. The parson's influence* for the present, wiped out, as far as any moderating action it can bring to bear. I do not know what degree of influence we squires really do retain, but of this I am positive, that what influence may yet exist in rural parishes of a nature to tell possibly with some moral weight between the two parties, the farmer and the labourer, can be found only amongst us ; and what is more, I venture to think that happily we are not all like his Grace of Marlborough, but that not a few are still in a position to claim having a fair influence in our parishes and using that influence to the good of the community. Under such preg- nant circumstances, I submit that to address words calculated to soothe down the irritation of employers of labour, and to dis- criminate between the legitimate claims of labourers and an agitation such as has of late been artificially set afoot in villages, which I am aure you would be the first to disapprove if you were brought face to face with the facts—to address such words, for instance, as Mr. Henley spoke—was a right course to take.

Well, Sir, now to leave general statements and come more to realities, I admit even more fully than yourself that the line taken by some representatives of the landed interest has more than any- thing else contributed to inflame matters. The Duke of Marl- borough, by his manifesto, played the part (unconsciously) of an incendiary. It was responded to by intensified counter-demon- strations,—a demand for a fixed wage couched in terms that might have been better chosen, but which did not amount, as was said, to the intimation of a strike, though it was followed by a lock-out on the part of a few farmers who got on a high horse, too big for them to manage, under the exciting influence of the Blenheim epistle. It deserves, however, to be well noted that the Association formed by these farmers has practically had no extension, and that even in the few parishes immediately in question many leading agriculturists, and amongst them tenants of the Duke, never joined. Consequently it is not the case that there has been either a general strike or a general lock-out in the Woodstock district, and as I know the Union labourers were ready to do harvest work, and did do it in the district for many farmers, I hold the calling-in of the soldiers, in order to enable a few indi- viduals to gratify their resolution to have their crops brought in

without the assistance of Union men, to have been a prema-

ture and therefore an unwise proceeding, because the harvest never had yet come to be in danger, and the only question at issue was whether the money to be given for gathering

it could be kept from going into the pockets of certain " spotted " men. Except on this area of particular prohibition—

limited to the range of individual influences clearly discernible —there has been no difficulty in getting labour for the harvest, and I have a shrewd suspicion that not a few who called in the soldiery now regret having done so.

But if this unfortunate mistake has been committed by short- sighted farmers, I must say that the labourers seem to me, or at

least those who are prominent in agitating their cause, not to be acting wisely in their turn. You refer in your last issue to the agita- tion as having sprung up amongst the labourers themselves. I do

not wish to say a word in disparagement of this statement, but I do venture to assert that, however initiated, there have con- spicuously come to the front interests which are not of a labouring- class origin, and that at present there are current assertions and promises, in my opinion of a thoroughly artificial nature and fallacious character, which are dangerously affecting the labourers' minds, and are likely to be worked out of them only through the painful process of experienced disappointment. I observe that you take particular exception to the recurrent appeal for masters discussing matters directly with the men without the intervention of "foreign agitators," yet I am confident that if you had personal experience of what was going on at village meetings, where the labourers are being addressed by men who go the round, and as a

rule are not agricultural labourers—but more or less professional lecturers of not a high order of common-sense—you would be the

first to deprecate the movement. For the mischief wrought is not to be measured by the words of the speaker, but by the ex- traordinary confusion of conception produced by particular language in the hazy intelligence of a peculiar audience. An economical fallacy about power to extort possession, be it of wage or land, when addressed to an educated class, corrects itself ; but it is a very different thing when it is spoken to ignorant men, who naturally will be prone to glib promises of good things, and ready to take in wholesale denunciations of those whom they have always glanced at enviously as very comfortably off. It is a matter to be deplored that:atniable enthusiasts like Mr. Auberon Herbert, and gentlemen with irrepressibly pungent tongues like Professor Rogers, should give full rein to their very unique faculties of speech before :audiences of no less unique character, without in the least weighing their words. 1 do not think it can be con- sidered a misstatement to speak of these two gentlemen as being individually not of the agricultural classes, and as introducing themselves as volunteers of their own accord into the movement, and I hold itiquitelconformable to accuracy t,odefine the influences

imported by their:and similar agencies as of foreign origin. I have always looked upon Mr. Arch in a very different light. Here you have a man who is one of the class, and entitled to speak for them. Also I have not been able to detect in his earlier speeches, as far as I have read them—for I have never been lucky enough to attend a meetinglhe has addressed—anything which I consider objectionable. Recently, however, he seems to have contracted a new spirit of declamation which I deprecate. Instead of content- ing himself with giving homely advice to men how to help them- selves, Mr. Arch seems now to have diverged into what I would call clap-trap oratory—(I would point in evidence to the long report of a speech in the Banbury paper a fortnight old, which has not been contradicted)—oratory well calculated to elicit applause, as it was larded with personal:hits:at individuals, and specially parsons. 1 do not think this unnatural, but deplore it, as I for one have looked to Mr. Arch as a:moderating influence. But if he is carried off his feet and should.„'forget himself, he will only be doing what many a man before :him did under circumstances that afforded much less excuse. Success is a terribly insidious stimulant, and I maintain that instead of adversity, it is success which really tries a man's stability to hold his own. You will, however, I think, admit that it must be rather irritating for farmers who have been paying higher wages than ever they did before, to have spouting before their doors, to the accompaniment of a band, some itinerant lecturer (and:this:occurs continually) who delights his audience by personal denunciations of close-fisted employers, grasping parsons, and hard-hearted squires, often with a remarkable disregard of facts. The jumble may:beniatently untrue, but nevertheless it irritates the farmer furiously,:though the squire may laugh at it, and feel sure that the golden promises held out must prove an apple of ashes. I have given myself some trouble to arrive at a knowledge of what the real attraction is in the programme of the Union for the Labourers. Such is the feeling of jealous reticence now prevalent, that this is a matter of difficulty, and I give my impression with: diffidence. I infer that next to the natur- ally inevitable attractiveness of higher wages what has strongly fascinated the labourer is the belief that in joining the Union he becomes member of a superior Benefit Society, that secures him greater advantages than he can otherwise hope for. To my personal knowledge, the itinerant missionaries lay emphatic stress on the allowance of nine shillings a week, to be given to any Union-man thrown out of work for some cause con- nected with Unionism, or sickness, or old age, against the weekly payment of threepence. It is my decided belief that this promise has been a great bait, and my experience tells me that the labourer is confident of his having been affiliated to a gigantic mutual Insurance Office, with which all artisans are connected. The answer to all inquiries how they can assume that funds would be forthcoming for their needful support, in the event of any large strike or disturbance of labour, is always a mysterious reference to some certain assistance from a great Union, to which all fellows in labour are contributors. I leave it to you, Sir, to say how far you consider such a view a sound one, and how far you hold the propagation of such an impression amongst the rural population by the studied harangues of men who are not of that class, and not dependent for subsistence on its fortunes, to be a bene- ficial measure.

My opinion has always been that to proscribe the Union would be the most absurd act on the part of any landowner, and I am happy to say my tenants have acted in the same sense—and no we have had no troubles. But I cannot shut my eyes to the dangers ahead, unless very great prudence and very great forbearance be shown during the coming months. The cause of the men is a good one, if only they themselves know how to assert it properly, and are possessed of the great self-denial and self-discipline without which they cannot main- tain their point, much less reap the full benefit of an improved position. I do not doubt that in the end they will do so, though I fear it will be after experience, and that demands time. But we have before our doors the winter, with meat and coal very dear, and that is what we must fix our eyes upon as practical men_ The task is to stave off any collisions which will whet passions and lead to consequences as little contemplated in the first instance- by the party whose imprudence or whose passions may have led thereto, as the consequences of his letter were foreseen by the Duke of Marlborough when he wrote it. One thing I am persuaded of is that no one particular measure is to be devised which can, as a specific, allay the present disturbance. It is of organic growth, and must find its remedy in organic development.

This letter has grown to such a length, that I must conclude- without giving, as I bad intended, some facts to show how in- correct the impression would be that in this part of the country the labourers are as one body at rupture with their employers. But I do hope that my suggestion may be deemed worthy of con- sideration, and that some really competent individual may think. it worth his while to make a round of these parts, and carefully investigate the real position of affairs. 1 shall be surprised if he- does not come to the conclusion that what is most strenuously called for just now is to damp the embers of excitement which are- being systematically fanned by ever-recurrent demonstrations throughout the villages, processions with brass bands, and free teas, that certainly do not contribute to raise wages, but as cer- tainly tend to foment irritation. I would observe that it is espe- cially since harvest that these rather noisy progresses have been set afoot, for what practical purpose I cannot guess, unless it be to keep alive the spirits of the labourers, and give a fillip to. slackness in regular payment of subscriptions.—I am, Sir, &c.,

A SQUIRE WHO CONSIDERS HIMSELF A. LIBERAL.