6 APRIL 1839, Page 8

TOPICS OF THE DAY.

hi

'POLICY OF THE RADICALS.

Wii4N Lord JOHN RussELL gave notice of his motion for the 15th instant; he plainly intimated that the real question to be tried Iti00, not the policy of the Ministry, and far less their mere adult, nistration of government in Ireland, but whether or not they still possessed the general confidence of a majority of the House of Commons. He staked the existence of the Ministry on the issue: and it is in this light, as if by common consent, that the subject seems to be viewed by everybody. In this point of view the sub- ject was treated last Sunday by the Examiner, in a paper of re- markable ability. Our Ministerial contemporary addresses the Radicals of the House of Commons. Supposing the existence of the Ministry to depend on the votes of this class of Members on the 15th, be pleads earnestly for Lord MELBotutriE, and not kss skilfully. Eschewing his usual jokes and epigrams—discarding the stale story of Lord NORMANDY'S Irish administratiOn—carefully avoiding all offence towards those whom it is his object to propi- tiate—he respectfully asks the Radicals to choose between a Mel- bourne-Whig Government and a Tory Government, and gravely argues with them in favour of things as they are. Whatever it is possible to say in favour of maintaining the present Government, he says in the manner best calculated to produce the desired effect. A more judicious and efficient pleading for the Whigs is not to be expected; and we commend it to the serious attention of Radical Members, as containing the whole case of the Government placed in the best possible light. But the Examiner has long been a mere advocate of the MEL.. BOURNE Government. He does not even pretend to the impar- tiality becoming a judge. In this instance, as in many others of late years, he strives—and very successfully in this instance—to make the most of his client's case, and the least of the case on the other side. That there is another side of the question, he only ad- mits, indeed, for the purpose of seizing its weaker points, while he carefully keeps out of view the weak points of the side for which lie pleads. In commending his argument, therefore, to the notice of Radical Members, we must also bespeak their attention to what he has suppressed. The Examiner, on this occasion, desirous of persuading or con. vincing Radicals, prudently labours to engage their sympathy by

professing no other than Radical objects. With the exception of a single flourish about " the Government having nailed their colours to the mast on the Irish policy," he abstains from flattering the Whigs ; even dwells on their omissions," "backwardness,' and "errors;" and assumes a high degree of Radicalism himself.

It is in the character of an earnest Radical, that he `appeals to the Radical Members. Ile calls on them as Radicals, with a view to Radical ends, to join him in reckoning the profit and loss of a ehange of Ministry, and to adopt the balance which he seems to strike in favour of retaining the present Government.

He does but seem to strike this balance. For his calculation, when carefully examined, will be found not less partial than imper- fect. Let us submit it to an adequate test.

A full and fair estimate of Radical profit and loss, in this in- stance, should be composed of four distinct elements, as follows- '.

Loss

Profit from the MELBOURNE Government.

Loss

Profit } from a PEEL Government.

Of what the Radicals have lost and are likely to lose by sustain- ing the MELBOURNE Government, the Examiner says next to nothing. The loss of character which they have incurred by steadily supporting a Government which, besides treating them with indignity, constantly avails itself of Tory aid to defeat their pro- posals of improvement in the constitution of the House of Com- mons, and is also incapable of carrying measures of practical re- form, has no place in the Examiner's calculation. As little does he reckon the injurious consequences of the influence of' an irre- sponsible Opposition of Tories on the whole course of the present Government ; or the disunion and apathy which have held posses: sion of the Radical ranks since Lord MELBOURNE submitted and the House of Commons Radicals assented to the LvxnumisT tactics of 1836; or the miserable position of the Radical Members as supporters of a Government which they condemn and despise ; or, though last not least, the loss to the Radical Members of the confidence of the 'Working classes, which threatens, if it should not be retrieved, to render a " strong" Tory Government popular with the Middle classes. On these, and other similar items of Radical loss, our contemporary is entirely silent. These arc amongst the weak points of his own side of the question, which he carefully avoids. The next element of an impartial calculation—namely, the Radical profit to be derived from the continuance of things as they are—scarcely figures in the Examiner's account. He mentions' indeed as a Radical gain, not by means of the present Govern- ment, but during its existence, the growth of minorities in favour of some Radical objects to which the Government is decidedly opposed. Inasmuch, be argues, as "the progress of Radical questions has consisted with the existence of the Whig Govern- ment opposed to them," the Radicals have gained by the existence of the remit Government. But this mode of ecinnting cannot be in the results of the past, to encourage any hope that the future, allowed. 'the gain such as it is, may have taken plaCe n spite of with* Cosine great Change, will be better—or rather, considering the . • the existence of a 'Whig i Government ; it hao arisen from distrust. progressive nature of Reform-decline and Tory-advancement, will of the efficiency- of the Reform ,Act, which the Whigs, in order to „not be worse, than the present ? A general election now would be conciliate -the Tory Opposition, treat as a final measure ; and it bad enough.; and that Is.the.fault of Melbourne-Whigs and " Self- :might have been greater, if, the Tories being in office, the -Whigs denying " Radicals : but a general election this time twelvemonth In Opposition had had no other reliance than popular support. The would be still worse, and would be the fault of the Radicals alone, . liana minority, for example, has grown with the growth of intimi- if by any effort of theirs the Reform-destroying Government were dation at repeated elections, and would probably, with such ample preserved to complete the ruin which it has already done so much

• evidence of an increased necessity for the secret vote, have grown to accomplish. There can be no loss without something to lose.

• much faster if the Whigs had not been in office. No other Radical What-is there, that the Radicals, in their present position, can de- ; gain is attributed to-the existence of the MELBOURNE Government. sire to keep ? Their popularity ?—where is it ? Their weight

Oh yes! we had forgotten one piece of profit which the Radicals with the country ?—they have none. Their importance in the

are said to have derived from giving their support to Lord MEL.. House of Commons ?—they can have none, after their share in the BOURNE : they have "served them own cause,' says the Examiner, system of Tory government by means of a Whig Ministry, until

• by " exhibiting the self-denial, the forbearances under provocation, they assert complete independence, and thereby produce a break-up • the prudence and moderation, of men to whom all opposite quail- and reconstruction of parties. What can they accomplish at pre- ties of inconsiderateness and rashness had been imputed." And sent ? - Where is the annual Ballot motion ?—not in the Notice-

by whom imputed ? By the Melbourne-Whigs, and especially by paper ; and we understand that Mr. GROTE, despairing of any in-

the Examiner, when it was his cue to deride, and call by such crease, and rather fearing a decrease of the Ballot minority, will names as " Tory-Radicals," those whom he now sees fit to flatter not bring forward that question this year. What hope_ hits • and 'coax. His present dose of Clockmaker's "soft sawder" is Mr. HAwes of carrying into effect the excellent suggestions of his

' thrown away. For even supposing that the Radicals had done Police Committee, for which credit is unduly given to Lord Jogs/ - themselves honour by exhibiting patience and endurance surpas- RessELe? Does Mr. WARD imagine that his great and wise plans of

:sing those qualities in the ass, still, that gain being accomplished, Colonization though embodied in a bill, will ever take the form of

nothing more of that kind is to be gained; and the Radicals at last an act of Parliament in the present state of parties ? Has Mr. Bun- .- plainly see, that loss only can ensue from longer fbiling to exhibit LER any notion of seeing a good Canada Bill passed at the instance,

such other qualities as earnest attachment to principles and self- or during the existence, of a Government which, for the mere sake ' reliance in action. of place, habitually submits to the control of an irresponsible Tory

We may now proceed to the second- division of this estimate ; Opposition ? Do Mr. WALLACE and Mr. WARBURTON fancy that

• which comprises the two items of Radical profit and Radical loss the Tories in Opposition, though as a Government they might

from a PERL Government. readily promote Post-Office Reform, Will ever yield to the Mel- Upon the first point the Examiner is wholly silent. It becomes bourne-Whigs, supposing these capable of framing a good measure • him, in his capacity of advocate for the MELBOURNE Government, for the purpose, the honour of bestowing on the country the vast • to abstain from alluding to the possibility of gain to the Radical benefit of a Uniform Penny Postage ? Does Sir WILLIAM MOLDS.. cause from a break-up and reconstruction of parties. This was WORTH expect that the suggestions of his Committee on Transporta- dangerous ground, and he has done wisely in avoiding it altogether. tion will be adopted by the present House of Commons in the pre- We return to it presently, in fulfilment of our last week's pro- sent state of parties ? And what prospect does the present state of mise to show how the present position of the Radicals necessarily parties hold out to Mr. VILLIERS as the leadingu advocate of Free forbids the attainment of any of their public objects. Meanwhile, Trade ? Similar questions might be extended over pages. The the Examiner's estimate of Radical loss from a PEEL Government answer to them all is, that the Radicals, in their present situation, deserves particular attention. have nothing to lose. As regards equally their public objects and

. This is the only strong point on his side of the question, and the their personal importance, no change can render their position less only one, therefore, on which he dwells with any confidence. He intolerable than it is in the present state of parties.

' says— • It is impossible to specify what the Radicals might gain by a ' Let us suppose the Government broken up by the defection of a small break-up and reconstruction of parties : the course of time alone number of the -Radicals, disgusted with Ministers for not having adopted the Ballot, the extension of the Suffrage, and Triennial Parliaments. Inusich would unfold the subsequent chapter of accidents. But the case the formation of an Administration would be intrusted to Sir Robert poorest chance, the vaguest prospect of good, is better than none Peel : vain is the notion, if it be entertained, that there would be any other at all. In the present angry temper of the populace in the great choice, upon the destruction of the Whig Ministry by the defection of Ra- towns of England and Scotland—in the present state of Ireland, dicals. And Sir Robert Peel would instantly dissolve the Parliament,- while the and with a deficient military force--a Prudent-Tory Government resentments between the Whigs and Radicals were in their first glow, and be- fore the breach between them had been in any degree closed by the concord-coin- might see fit to ask a " fair trial" of the present House of Com- pelling effects of acting together in Opposition. In the small towns, as in the few mons. In that case, the Radicals might bargain for many important counties represented by Liberals, the Corn-law division and the agricultural practical reforms, at least, of which there is not at present the clamour would aggravate the disadvantages of the party split ; and, with the slightest prospect. In any case, a Prudent-Tory Government (and voice of Whig against Radical, and Radical against Whig, and the Tories and no other will be possible unless the Whigs and Radicals agree to the Chartists against both, the result, upon a moderate calculation, would be a loss of a hundred seats, two-thirds of which would probably be lost to stanch maintain a state of things which threatens the ascendancy of rank the Ballot, the minority knocked down from 200 to 120, or thereabouts ; upon Tory Government, public opinion would be more Radical than at the next motion for the extension of the Suffrage, the proportions against it raised from the scanty 4 to I, to 2 or 3 to 1 ; the majority against the repeal present, no reasonable doubt can be entertained by those who re- of the Septennial Act raised in the sanie degree; and the Anti-Corn-law in ino- collect that Radical opinions have never advanced except under the

rity probably reduced below a hundred!" provocation and stimulus of Tory power. Radical opinions want

It will be observed that this statement of the case rests altoge- an organ in the House of Commons, and simply because the Radi- ther on the assumption that a PEEL Ministry would instantly dis- cal lembers, instead of occupying the proper place for a minority solve Parliament. We have some doubt upon that point ; or ra- —that is, the Opposition benches—form the tail of a Whig-Tory ther, we incline to the belief that a Prudent-Tory Government Administration. It is only in opposition, or in office, that the would, for several weighty reasons, endeavour to avoid a general Radicals can ever hope either tbr personal consequence or for any election, and to obtain "a fair trial" from the present House of means of really advancing their cause. The present Government Commons. There can be no doubt, however, considering the pre- pays for its existence by conceseons to Toryism : a Tory Govern- sent disunion and apathy of Reformers, that the Tories would gain ment would pay for its existence oy concessions to the Radical Op- largely by a general election. But it is by no means so clear position. Whiggery proper is defunct. A mere Whig Opposition, that the Tory majority in the new Parliament would exceed, or having no object but to displace the Tories, will never be seen even equal, that of Whigs and Tories at present united against the again. The future Opposition, whenever the Tories are in power, Radicals upon all important questions. Admitting, however, for will be Radical in character, even though it should comprise not a the sake of the argument, that the Radical minority would be de- few of the present Melbourne-Whigs, who, when out of office, creased by an immediate general election, still the question re- must be Radical or nothing. Let us suppose even the worst pos- mains—what would be the effect, on the Radical strength in the sible case—that of a coalition of Tories and Whigs against the House of Commons, of a general election some time hence ? Some Radical Opposition. In that case, though the Radicals might for time ago—that is, before Lord MErnoraxes submission to the a time gain no more than they can gain now, they could lose no- LYNDHURST policy had produced disunion and apathy amongst thing, for they have nothing to lose; and in the long run they Reformers—the Tories could not procure even a bare majority would gain every thing, from a state of parties through which the by appealing to the constituencies. Three years of Melbourne- Reforming spirit of the country would be revived, and a powerful Whig government and Radical "forbearances under provocation"— Radical minority, perhaps even a majority, secured at the next three years of Tory government by means of the IIIELnoenNE Ad- general election. With the Tories in office, under whatever other ministration and of Radical participation in the system—have so circumstances, the Radical cause cannot but advance instead of de- degraded the very name of "Reform," that a general election now dining as it has done continually for the last three years. Radical would yield a large Tory majority. But is there any prospect of profit of one sort or other from a change of Ministry, is not the improvement through the continuance of the present order of less certain because we cannot precisely specify the form in which things ? It appears, on the contrary, that the progreSsive decline it will occur.

of Reform and advancement of Toryism "out of doors," could not All the unfitirness and weakness of the Examiner's argument be more surely provided for, than by the continued operation of will now be obvious. Of the four items which should have composed Oh yes! we had forgotten one piece of profit which the Radicals with the country ?—they have none. Their importance in the

are said to have derived from giving their support to Lord MEL.. House of Commons ?—they can have none, after their share in the BOURNE : they have "served them own cause,' says the Examiner, system of Tory government by means of a Whig Ministry, until by whom imputed ? By the Melbourne-Whigs, and especially by paper ; and we understand that Mr. GROTE, despairing of any in-

the Examiner, when it was his cue to deride, and call by such crease, and rather fearing a decrease of the Ballot minority, will names as " Tory-Radicals," those whom he now sees fit to flatter not bring forward that question this year. What hope_ hits • and 'coax. His present dose of Clockmaker's "soft sawder" is Mr. HAwes of carrying into effect the excellent suggestions of his

' thrown away. For even supposing that the Radicals had done Police Committee, for which credit is unduly given to Lord Jogs/ - themselves honour by exhibiting patience and endurance surpas- RessELe? Does Mr. WARD imagine that his great and wise plans of

:sing those qualities in the ass, still, that gain being accomplished, Colonization though embodied in a bill, will ever take the form of

nothing more of that kind is to be gained; and the Radicals at last an act of Parliament in the present state of parties ? Has Mr. Bun- .- plainly see, that loss only can ensue from longer fbiling to exhibit LER any notion of seeing a good Canada Bill passed at the instance,

such other qualities as earnest attachment to principles and self- or during the existence, of a Government which, for the mere sake ' reliance in action. of place, habitually submits to the control of an irresponsible Tory

We may now proceed to the second- division of this estimate ; Opposition ? Do Mr. WALLACE and Mr. WARBURTON fancy that

• which comprises the two items of Radical profit and Radical loss the Tories in Opposition, though as a Government they might

from a PERL Government. readily promote Post-Office Reform, Will ever yield to the Mel- Upon the first point the Examiner is wholly silent. It becomes bourne-Whigs, supposing these capable of framing a good measure • him, in his capacity of advocate for the MELBOURNE Government, for the purpose, the honour of bestowing on the country the vast • to abstain from alluding to the possibility of gain to the Radical benefit of a Uniform Penny Postage ? Does Sir WILLIAM MOLDS.. cause from a break-up and reconstruction of parties. This was WORTH expect that the suggestions of his Committee on Transporta- dangerous ground, and he has done wisely in avoiding it altogether. tion will be adopted by the present House of Commons in the pre- We return to it presently, in fulfilment of our last week's pro- sent state of parties ? And what prospect does the present state of mise to show how the present position of the Radicals necessarily parties hold out to Mr. VILLIERS as the leadingu advocate of Free forbids the attainment of any of their public objects. Meanwhile, Trade ? Similar questions might be extended over pages. The the Examiner's estimate of Radical loss from a PEEL Government answer to them all is, that the Radicals, in their present situation, deserves particular attention. have nothing to lose. As regards equally their public objects and

. This is the only strong point on his side of the question, and the their personal importance, no change can render their position less only one, therefore, on which he dwells with any confidence. He intolerable than it is in the present state of parties.

' says— • It is impossible to specify what the Radicals might gain by a ' Let us suppose the Government broken up by the defection of a small break-up and reconstruction of parties : the course of time alone number of the -Radicals, disgusted with Ministers for not having adopted the Ballot, the extension of the Suffrage, and Triennial Parliaments. Inusich would unfold the subsequent chapter of accidents. But the case the formation of an Administration would be intrusted to Sir Robert poorest chance, the vaguest prospect of good, is better than none Peel : vain is the notion, if it be entertained, that there would be any other at all. In the present angry temper of the populace in the great choice, upon the destruction of the Whig Ministry by the defection of Ra- towns of England and Scotland—in the present state of Ireland, dicals. And Sir Robert Peel would instantly dissolve the Parliament,- while the and with a deficient military force--a Prudent-Tory Government resentments between the Whigs and Radicals were in their first glow, and be- fore the breach between them had been in any degree closed by the concord-coin- might see fit to ask a " fair trial" of the present House of Com- pelling effects of acting together in Opposition. In the small towns, as in the few mons. In that case, the Radicals might bargain for many important counties represented by Liberals, the Corn-law division and the agricultural practical reforms, at least, of which there is not at present the clamour would aggravate the disadvantages of the party split ; and, with the slightest prospect. In any case, a Prudent-Tory Government (and voice of Whig against Radical, and Radical against Whig, and the Tories and no other will be possible unless the Whigs and Radicals agree to the Chartists against both, the result, upon a moderate calculation, would be a loss of a hundred seats, two-thirds of which would probably be lost to stanch maintain a state of things which threatens the ascendancy of rank Retbrmers. Now mark the bearing of this effect upon the very questions for Toryism) must, being tinder the influence of official responsibility the forwarding of which the overthrow of the Ministry, involving the dissolu- and subject to the assaults of a vigorous Liberal Opposition, con- ; tion of Parliament, would have been accomplished : upon the next motion for suit. public opinion on all important questions. That under a the Ballot, the minority knocked down from 200 to 120, or thereabouts ; upon Tory Government, public opinion would be more Radical than at the next motion for the extension of the Suffrage, the proportions against it raised from the scanty 4 to I, to 2 or 3 to 1 ; the majority against the repeal present, no reasonable doubt can be entertained by those who re- of the Septennial Act raised in the sanie degree; and the Anti-Corn-law in ino- collect that Radical opinions have never advanced except under the

rity probably reduced below a hundred!" provocation and stimulus of Tory power. Radical opinions want

It will be observed that this statement of the case rests altoge- an organ in the House of Commons, and simply because the Radi- ther on the assumption that a PEEL Ministry would instantly dis- cal lembers, instead of occupying the proper place for a minority solve Parliament. We have some doubt upon that point ; or ra- —that is, the Opposition benches—form the tail of a Whig-Tory ther, we incline to the belief that a Prudent-Tory Government Administration. It is only in opposition, or in office, that the would, for several weighty reasons, endeavour to avoid a general Radicals can ever hope either tbr personal consequence or for any election, and to obtain "a fair trial" from the present House of means of really advancing their cause. The present Government Commons. There can be no doubt, however, considering the pre- pays for its existence by conceseons to Toryism : a Tory Govern- sent disunion and apathy of Reformers, that the Tories would gain ment would pay for its existence oy concessions to the Radical Op- largely by a general election. But it is by no means so clear position. Whiggery proper is defunct. A mere Whig Opposition, that the Tory majority in the new Parliament would exceed, or having no object but to displace the Tories, will never be seen even equal, that of Whigs and Tories at present united against the again. The future Opposition, whenever the Tories are in power, Radicals upon all important questions. Admitting, however, for will be Radical in character, even though it should comprise not a the sake of the argument, that the Radical minority would be de- few of the present Melbourne-Whigs, who, when out of office, creased by an immediate general election, still the question re- must be Radical or nothing. Let us suppose even the worst pos- mains—what would be the effect, on the Radical strength in the sible case—that of a coalition of Tories and Whigs against the House of Commons, of a general election some time hence ? Some Radical Opposition. In that case, though the Radicals might for time ago—that is, before Lord MErnoraxes submission to the a time gain no more than they can gain now, they could lose no- LYNDHURST policy had produced disunion and apathy amongst thing, for they have nothing to lose; and in the long run they Reformers—the Tories could not procure even a bare majority would gain every thing, from a state of parties through which the by appealing to the constituencies. Three years of Melbourne- Reforming spirit of the country would be revived, and a powerful Whig government and Radical "forbearances under provocation"— Radical minority, perhaps even a majority, secured at the next three years of Tory government by means of the IIIELnoenNE Ad- general election. With the Tories in office, under whatever other ministration and of Radical participation in the system—have so circumstances, the Radical cause cannot but advance instead of de- degraded the very name of "Reform," that a general election now dining as it has done continually for the last three years. Radical would yield a large Tory majority. But is there any prospect of profit of one sort or other from a change of Ministry, is not the improvement through the continuance of the present order of less certain because we cannot precisely specify the form in which things ? It appears, on the contrary, that the progreSsive decline it will occur.

of Reform and advancement of Toryism "out of doors," could not All the unfitirness and weakness of the Examiner's argument be more surely provided for, than by the continued operation of will now be obvious. Of the four items which should have composed

those causes which have already produced such deplorable effects. his account of Radical profit and loss, be reckons one only—the loss We are bound to judge of the future by the past. What is there of Radical votes in the House of Commons by means of an instant dissolution under a Tory Government. On the other side—not to insist on the great probability of the adoption of the "fair trial" system by a PEEL Ministry—we have, first, to count the loss which the Radicals incur by lending their support to the present incapable and Tory-ridden Government ; secondly, to deduct the alleged Radical gain in the growth. of certain minorities occasioned by circumstances wholly foreign to the question, and the acquisition of character by means of "forbearances under provocation ; " and lastly, to add the great sum of Radical gain to arise from a break- up and reconstruction of parties. On which side is the balance now ?

Like our contemporary, we address the Radicals in Parliament. But we do not expect, with him, that this question will be brought to practical issue on the 15th. The Canada Bill on the 22d—if Lord JOHN should keep his word on that matter—is a more likely occasion. However different the real object from the formal pur- port of Lord JOHN'S motion of the 15th, the Radicals will probably consult Sir ROBERT PEEL'S convenience by allowing him to be • sufficiently outvoted on a question that is Orange in form though simply Ministerial in substance. They may also wish to accom- modate the future Minister, by enabling him to get a Tory Canada Bill from the Whigs, which he might afterwards, as Minister, pass into a law without any risk of opposition from its authors. And finally, the Radicals, not influenced, but self-excused by such coaxing as the Examiner plies them with, may even help Sir ROBERT to "keep the Tories out" until the close of the session, and the "pear is ripe" for his plucking. After three years' experience of -the weakness of the House of Commons Radicals, who can yet • rely on their sagacity and vigour ? They will the end, but want pluck to adopt the means. They would be rid of Whiggery, but have consorted with it so lovingly as to wish that other bands than theirs may put it to death. It would be strange if they, who have habitually sacrificed opinions to party, had all at once learned to act on their convictions. The black-white system of voting has degraded them in their own esteem, as well as that of the public, and has thus deprived them of the moral courage which is requisite to the acknowledgment of error. They cannot vote against Minis- ters on the 15th, without condemning many a vote which they have given before. So "the best possible Ministry" seems still pretty safe for a while more : but it will not be long.