Mr. Roebuck has been down to Sheffield to face his

accusers, and has achieved a triumph such as falls to the lot of few. When he met his constituents on Monday in the Music-hall they would not hear him. They hissed, kicked the floor, yelled out interruptions, and de- manded an adjournment to the open air. The crowd outside were equally noisy, and neither the Mayor nor Alderman Eisner, nor Mr. Hadfield, their other member, could quiet them. Mr. Roebuck and the Mayor then retired from the disgraceful scene. Deeply ashamed of this cowardly conduct of the mob which had condemned a man unheard, when the meeting, which had been adjourned, reassembled on Tuesday, the people would not tolerate the least interruption, and Mr. Roebuck made a manly and gallant defence. The speech consisted of two parts—one in vindication of his personal character, the other in vindication of his opinions. It is the former which will chiefly interest our readers.

" Well, then, now, sir, what was the fault found with me ? The faults found with me are two. (A. Voice.—' Three !' answered by cries of ' Put hint out.' `Where is he ?' and confusion.) Now, be -quiet ; you will have an opportunity of answering. I am accustomed to an assembly where a man is allowed to say exactly what he chooses. I hope that the people of Sheffield will not be more bigoted than the English House of Commons. That is an assembly where a man can say exactly what he likes, and therefore I honour that assembly. Now I will go on my own division; and I say the charges against me arc two—first, that I voted in support of maintaining LordDerby in his Administration ; and, next, that I made a speech called an Austrian speech. Now, sir, I have myself been a servant of the public nearly thirty years. I commenced that service a poor man; I have remained a poor man ever since. I am so now. Well, but the insinuation is that during the last two years of my life I have gone back from all that for eight-and-twenty years I professed, and that I have sold myself, body and soul, for a sum of money. If I had so sold myself, I should have the money, I suppose. My answer is, I have not the money, and I have not spent it. (Cheers.) That, I should have thought, would have concluded the whole matter ; but I will hound the accusation through all its windings and turnings. The first ac- cusation is that.I voted for Lord Der'oy's Government, and the im- putation conveyed by the accusation is this,"that the Galway Company obtained a subsidy from Lord Derby's Administration ; that I was part of the Galway Company, and therefore that I voted for Lord Derby. I do not blink the question at all. First and foremost let as take dates. When there was a doubt whether a subsidy should be granted to the Galway Company, I voted against Lord Derby's Go- vernment ; but when the subsidy was granted, and there could be no -doubt about it, I voted for that Government. Thus, if I had expected anything, I went against my own interest. This is the fact. I said 'the accusation is that the Galway Company paid me. Now I am here, I have just got this to say : I was a director of the Galway Coin- pany. Very shortly after that company got its subsidy, I ceased to have any connexion with the company, and from that time to this I do not know what they have been doing. But there was an imputa- tion that there was a sum of 10,43001. kept back to be divided among the directors, and that of that amount I received a large sum. I have a book before me with which I expect you are not so familiar as I am. It is called a Parliamentary blue-book. (Oh, oh I am very blind, and obliged to wear spectacles, and I hope you will excuse me. Now, this was a committee appointed to inquire into contracts entered into by packet and telegraph companies with the Government. When I was applied to bi certain gentlemen whom I had never before seen in my life, I asked them what the Galway Company was to do. They said their object was to establish a line of steamers between Galway and New York, Galway being the nearest point between Great Britain and America. They said the passage would occupy about six days ; and if they could create that line it would be a benefit to Ireland, and to the trade between both countries. Well, I said That is a very leg' imate object, I will join yon;' and I did join them. They also said the Government had granted a subsidy to a Liverpool line for carrying the mails ; and they added, It is also our intention to carry the mails to New York, and we hope they will subsidise a line of steam packets from Galway to New York also.' I said, ' That, too, is a perfectly legitimate object. 1 think the people of Ireland ought to have a rapid communication with America ; and I will apply along with the rest of the directors, to Lord Derby's Government for a subsidy. (Hear, hear.) The subsidy to the Liverpool line had been granted by a Whig Administration. I said, that being the case, I suppose it is a liberal measure, and I am only carrying out what my Liberal friends approve. I applied to Lord Derby, and after some negotiation a subsidy of 75,0001. a year was granted. It was to be paid when the mails were carried, and not before. No money was paid by the Government till long after I left the company, and I am not sure whether any of it has yet been paid. So of that subsidy I never saw one farthing paid to the company, and I have had no con- nexion with the company since. (Cheers.) I was at this point yesterday, when the noise became so great that I could not proceed ; but now collies a matter that I think you ought to know. There was 10,0001. kept back by the promoters of the company and put into the deed of settlement to be appropriated mnoug the directors. That money was appropriated among the directors, and now I will read to you the result. When we came before a committee, they naturally put their fingers on this, and said, What! have members of Parliament received money for their services ? Now, I will read

to you :—

"‘ Mr. Edward Ellice tasked this question of the chairman of the Galway Company, who was then under examination]—Referring to the item in the balance-sheet just pat in of 10,0001. remuneration to promoters in paid-up shares, were any members of Parliament remunerated for their services as promoters by paid-up shares? [They thought they had me there. (Lqughkr.)3—At the present moment I do not know that I can answer that question, because several of the parties who had got paid-up shares have returned them to the company actually, and others have promised to do so. The ten thousand shares were expressly provided by the articles of association, as being allowed to be distributed among the promoters of the company, and they were distributed; 25001. were given to Mr. Lever, and 25004 were given to Mr Lascaridi, making 50001. in all, they being the principal parties in getting up the line; the remaining 50001. were rateably distributed among the other members of the Board, of whom I myself am one; but I have returned those shares to the company for the benefit of the company ; but if any gentleman chose to retain them, they are at perfect liberty to do so under the articles of association.

" Were there they asked, following up the question] any members of Parlia- ment upon the list among whom those 50001. of paid-up shares were distributed? —Yes, Dir. Lever was one.

" 'You have just stated that 50001. was divided between Mr. Lever and Mr. Lascaridi?—Yes.

" ' That left 50001., and of that 50001. was any part given to other members of Parliament?—Lord Bury, who was the deputy-chairman, received, I think, seventy or seventy-one shares of the amount. " Are you sure?—Quite certain. (Cheers.)

" Anybody else?—[You see how pertinacious they were Now, mark the answer of the Chairman;]—No one else.

" `f They were determined no longer to beat about the bush, and so they said :]—I think we should have the particulars of the last 50001.-1 have given them. I say that the remaining 50004 was proposed to be equally distributed among the members of the Board rateably. " Were Mr. Lever and Lord Bury the only members of Parliament on the Board?—Mr. Roebuck had been upon the Board, but he had retired, and he never received any amount of the shares whatever ; but in order to give the fullest answer to the question, it is right to sly that he was offered them, and that he refused them. He never had them in his possession.

" Sir Henry Willoughby [who thought he would clinch the whole matter, pat it thus;]—Any statement that Mr. Roebuck had received any portion of that money would be untrue? (The answer is)—Absolutely false. (Loud cheers.)

"' Without a shadow of foundation?—Without a shadow of foundation. (Loud cheers.)' "Now what was my vote about with respect to which they make this imputation ? It was about Reform in Parliament. What was my argument? We, the friends of Reform, are in a majority in the House of Commons. I am given to understand that Lord Derby's Administration were determined to bring in a better Bill than before. Now, I said, we can make what we like of that Bill. Let us pass it through the House of Commons; Lord Derby's Government, which had a majority in the House of Lords, can pass it through there. We shall get a Reform Bill shortly if we keep them in. But, mark my words, I said, so sure as you turn them out, you will get no Reform Bill from the so-called Liberal party. (Hear.) People said That is one of the wild assertions in which Mr. Roebuck deals,' and then came that other beautiful adjunct which I have answered. But I declared again—depend upon it, that if you turn out Lord Derby and bring in a Liberal Administration, no Reform Act we shall have. They did turn out my Lord Derby, and have you got a Reform Act ? (` No, nor and cheers.) Has it been introduced as a Bill this year ? (' Net') Do you think you will ever get it ? (Cheers.) Depend upon it, until the people themselves are determined—till they coerce either a Liberal or Conservative Administration—reform you will not have. (Cheers.) But if you had allowed Lord Derby at that time to bring in his Bill, and improved it in the House of Commons—made it what you liked—he could have carried it, and he would have

carried it through the House of Lords."

Mr. Roebuck turned to the second accusation—that he had made

an Austrian speech because he had got an Austrian contract.

"That bright gentleman, Mr. White, said to me in the House of Commons, 'If Mr. Roebuck could hear the statements made in the City,' upon which there was a general curiosity in that House to know what the City really did say. Mr. White added, 'They say to me in the City, do you hear that Mr. Roebuck has come home ? He has been in gilded saloons'—I think I am in one now (laughter)— ' he has been in gilded saloons; has dined with archdukes and arch- duchesses, and has come home with a lucrative contract in his pocket.' My answer to that is, in gilded saloons I have been. I have really—I do hope you will believe me—I really have dined with an archduke and an archduchess. That. is not the first duke I have dined with. (Laughter.) But I have not brought home a contract. I have entered into no contract. I have nothing to do with any con- tract entered into with the Austrian Government or any Govern- ment under Heaven. Well, now, what can I say more ? The speech to which the imputation refers I did make, and it was made upon careful consideration. It never entered into my mind that anybody could suppose that I had come there, bought and sold, to make an Austrian speech. I knew I had been for thirty years fighting the battles of the people, and I did not expect that my countrymen would treat me in that ways-would have pointed their lingers at me, and said, After twenty-eight years' service that man has sold him- self.' But it comes to that. I distinctly state that I have no con- tract; I am no party to any contract; no contract whatever has been made in which I have had the slightest association, except that I gave to the Austrian Government a certain set of advice. Now what was the advice ? As your representative I was very well known in Austria. I recollect one gentleman saying, We have known that name thirty years. We know he is what is called a Liberal in your country, but, nevertheless, we rather like the little man.' (Laughter.) I am merely repeating what they said; I dare say they were wrong. (Laughter.) But they listened to me. They said, He is an old Parliamentary politician; let us hear what he says.' What was my advice? My advice was this—and it was given plainly and boldly to the Prime Minister of Austria—' Give to your people a parlia- mentary constitution. Give to them thorough self-government in their municipalities ; let them govern themselves and have you a Parliamentary representative of the Austrian Empire. Now my object is,' I said, to make you good friends with England. I un- derstand the position of Austria. I know that England's best friend, if you know your own interest, is here in this country ; and in order to bind England to you, do you two things—give your people liberal institutions, and connect yourselves commercially with England.' (Cheers.) That was the advice I gave."

Having vindicated his opinions and gallantly defended "stupid Austria," Mr. Roebuck made a characteristic peroration to his speech :

"Yea have heard my opinions. Are you satisfied with them ? If not, are you so infallible as to say, because I am of those opinions 1 must be wrong, or, being wrong, I must be unworthy? That is the statement made against me. Your penny papers, the very existence of which is in a great measure part of my work—for, from the very time I went into Parliament, I advocated a free press—your penny papers have contained, and your walls have been placarded with, insinuations—aye, let me use the word—with base statements against my- self. Well, but this is a politician's question. I have no doubt all of you are a great deal cleverer than I am. (Laughter.) But I happen to be your repre- sentative, and you must allow me to judge for myself. Depend upon it, no other man judges for me. What I think 1 say with every bolchess, as you yourselves have known before now. When I differ from you I tell you so. Nothing has guided me through my whole political career but the view I have taken of Eng- lish interests. I may have been wrong. Where is the man who has not been wrong? I have learnt to bear and forbear. I would tell all those who judge of me by themselves, I suppose, I would tell them that time out of mind I might have been sold ; I might now, instead of being as I am, put upon my trial, have been so well off that not one of those parties would have raised his voice against me. (Cheers.) Sir, I really am proud—I acknowledge it. I began life as the servant of my country. I am talking of my political life. From that time to this I have fought the cause of freedom. No man dared to come to me and ask me to vote this way or that. I am never told in the House of Commons what I am to do. No whipper-in ever comes to me. Oh, they say, be will do exactly as lie likes. (Laughter.) I have from the commencement of my career done exactly as I liked, and let it be told to you now, not for the first time, that I shall do as I like. (Cheers.) I am sent to Parliament as your representative ; at the end of that term I come to answer for the deeds I have done in your name, and you know what to do. If you don't like me, send me adrift. (Cheers and laughter.) Ryon think I have acted honestly and to the best of my ability, and that I have been devoted to your service, you then know what to do. Now, let me tell my detractors that I am not afraid of them—that I vin afraid of no imputation. Truth is great and will prevail (" Well dons P') and, God willing, so long as I have health and strength to fight the battle of the good people of England, I have that confidence in my countrymen that eventually I am sure they will say I have been a good and faithful servant, and as such honour my name." (Loud and protracted cheers.)

Mr. Roebuck remained completely master of the field. There were still some questions, but he had answers for them, and the meet- ing agreed to resolutions to the effect that the meeting was perfectly satisfied with Mr. Roebuck's exposition, and had fall confidence in his personal integrity and political worth ; and that "having heard Mr. Roebuck's exposition of his views on the subjects of Austria and Italy, this meeting agrees with him in desiring that the prin- ciples of constitutional and commercial freedom should prevail in Austria; but also reiterates its ardent sympathy with the efforts of the Italians to free their country from internal tyrants and external domination, and its hope that before long Venetia and Rome may be peacefully united to the Italian kingdom."