THE MAGAZINES.
SDI AUCKGAND Coixres paper in the Nineteenth Century on "Egypt To-day" is in great measure a criticism, and an exceedingly damaging criticism, of Mr. Edward Dicey's recently published book, The Egypt of the Future. Apart from Mr. Dicey's inability to appreciate the fundamental difference between Islam and Christianity, which renders his discussion of the religions problem unconvincing, Sir Auck- land Colvin points out that he relies in support of his advocacy of the de-Anglification and the de-Oromerising of Egypt on the testimony of Lord Dufferin. Unfortunately for Mr. Dicey, Lord Dufferin's Report on Egypt makes it clear that, so far from recommending the method adopted in the native States of India, he expressly disclaimed such a scheme. To sum up "The backbone of Lord Dufferin's scheme was reform to be carried out by the aid and agency of British or other European officials, but for whose assistance 'it was frightful to contemplate' the mischief that must ensue. The backbone of Mr. Dicey's proposal is reversion to the status quo ante: 'As little change as possible should be made in the internal administration of the protected State, and the old native administrators should as a rule be retained in the public service. . . . The old laws, customs,
and usages should remain as they were before the Protectorate existed."
With a moderation and good temper which we find it hard to emulate, Sir Auckland Colvin exposes other misrepresenta- tions, inaccuracies, and exaggerations in this mischievous book. In particular, he deals with the charge of Anglicising the Administration, and notes, with perfect truth, that "the chief criticism directed against Lord Cromer by his country- men in Egypt is that he habitually gives too great pre- ference to Egyptians, and that they are allowed a freedom of action and of utterance, as in the native Press, whioh is notoriously and dangerously abused." We will only add that if any impressionable readers should have had misgivings aroused by Mr. Dicey's sensational misrepresentations, they will find the best antidote in the dispassionate survey of the situation given by Sir Auckland Colvin.—Lord Colchester, under the heading "The Evil of Ignoring Minorities," diacussea the methods available for bringing representation more into harmony with the real views of the electorate. Dismissing the schemes of Mill and Mr. Thomas Hare as too complicated, he holds that the method of proportional representation employed for the election of the late London School Board affords a useful precedent, but would limit the number of Members to be returned for any electoral division to three. Lord Colchester's paper is worth careful study.—The Abbe Dimnet sends a striking study of M. Clemencean as writer and philosopher. Of his literary ability he has evidently a high opinion, but "the man, far from serving the writer, simply outshines him." The Abbe Dimnet's analysis of M. Clemenceau's philosophy is eminently original. The French Premier, according to him, is an avowed materialist, but not a sceptic; he preaches Christian charity in the guise of pagan mysticism. Again,— " The materialist doctor in him does not shrink from the ridi- cule one incurs by talking about 'a total view of the universe,' but the idealist appears at every moment in the social reformer. He hates Christianity, which he always confuses with monasticism and the self-slaughter of ascetics, but he preaches self-denial and charity. Such contradictions are less rare in scientists than in any other section of savants. They firmly believe in God, and only refuse to own it bemuse people far their inferiors call
that God which certainly is not God. Their lips are blasphemous; but their hearts are single and generous."
—Lady Thompson, who spent four months of unhampered travel in Bosnia and Herzegovina last year, has summed up her impressions in a concise and impartial study of the provinces. Her estimate of Count Kalhly's great work is by no means free from reservations, and we would specially recommend her remarks (based on the official Report) on Press censorship and the proportion of Bosniaks in the Administration to Mr. Edward Dicey, who would like to see the Bosnian system (or, rather, what he imagines to be the Bosnian system) applied to Egypt. The occupation, as Lady Thompson reminds us, is primarily a military one ; indeed, some of its critics periodically describe the Bosniaks as living in a hopeless state of slavery. But she frankly admits that Austria-Hungary has given equality before the law, and abso- lute security of life and property to the provinces. For the rest, though "it may be better in the abstract for a people to work out its own salvation, the most confirmed believer in national independence must admit that the provinces are not ready for self-government, if indeed self-government could ever be a possibility here, while the inhabitants remain thus divided among themselves."—Mrs. Grossmann contributes a clever, but on the whole decidedly hostile, study of London civili- sation from the Colonial standpoint,—e.g., " in conversation and in the Press Englishmen are never weary of attacking the spite, frivolity, vanity, extravagance, feebleness, deceitful- ness, thievishness and similar endearing qualities of the sex to which their mothers, wives and daughters belong " ; and again : " There is only one religion in London whose wor- shippers are all devoutly sincere, and that is the oult of success."
Lord Milner's " Reflections on the Coming Conference " in the National Review form an admirable complement to the paper of Mr. E. T. Cook in the Contemporary. Lord Milner states the position of "Imperialists of the new school" with authority and moderation. On the question of preferential trade rela- tions with the Colonies Lord Milner stands to his guns, and expresses his regret that the policy of Mr. Chamberlain should have met with no better reception in the Mother-country. But he frankly admits that the process of educating the mass of the people at home on the question of preferential trade must take time, and insists on the wisdom of remembering that there are other very important subjects before the Conference. The passage that follows is worth quoting ;— "It is not impossible that the British Government may after all adopt a less hostile attitude to the principle of Preference. But even if it does not, there is no reason why the Conference should be barren of results in other directions, and certainly there is every reason why no Imperialist should try to make it so. Yet there is a real danger that, if public interest is concentrated exclusively on the question of Preference, other matters, however important, will be but perfunctorily discussed. Such a result would be deplorable in the extreme. On the agenda of the Conference are to be found, apart from the question of Imperial trade, a number of problems the solution of which is essential to the building up of that new and larger political organisation which we have seen to be our ultimate aim. Such are the creation of a genuine Imperial Court of Appeal and the adoption of a single system of naturalisation throughout the Empire. But more important than all the rest is the question of the future of the Conference itself. That body is, after all, next to the Crown, the greatest Imperial asset we possess. It is our one really Imperial institution, and it is to its continued existence and heightened efficiency that we must look for the gradual establish- ment of a real partnership between the self-governing States of the Empire."
With regard to the Australian proposal for perpetuating the Conference under the title of a consultative " Imperial Council," Lord Milner expresses a doubt whether the opposi- tion of the Canadian Government is truly representative of Canadian opinion. For his own part, he holds that while the creation of a permanent office to carry out the instructions of the Conference will go a long way to ensure continuous co- operation between the several States in affairs of common interest within the Empire, it fails to solve the further problem,--that of keeping the Government of the United Kingdom in touch with the Colonial Governments when it is dealing with the external affairs of the Empire, and especially with those external affairs which directly affect one or more of the Colonies. At present such consultation is only possible when the Conference is sitting. What is wanted • is "permanent representation of the Colonies at the centre of the Empire by men of such rank, preferably members of the respective Cabinets, as would enable a body of a composition similar to that of the Conference, and of great if not quite equal authority, to assemble at any time, if occasion required it,"—the functions of such a body, however, to be merely deliberative. We are glad to note that in regard to Imperial defence Lord Milner strongly supports the polioy of decentralisation,--Le., to encourage the Colonies to develop their own forces. Lord Milner concludes his 'article with some weighty observations on the need of attaining a mod= vivendi in regard to the treatment of Indian and other coloured subjects of the Crown by the self-governing Colonies. He strongly justifies the presence of a representative of India at the Conference, anomalous though it may seem, as tending to enlightenment. The presence of an expert is desirable, while "from a broader point of view it is highly desirable that the self-governing Colonies should be brought face to face with the problems which the government of the dependencies involves."—The statesmanlike moderation of Lord Milner's article is in abrupt contrast to the eloquent but heady rhetoric of Mr. Garvin's " Foreword to the Colonial Conference," which not only fails to realise the "real danger," so frankly admitted by Lord Milner, of concentrating public interest on the question of Preference, but passionately asserts that policy to be not only ripe but overdue—Mr. Maurice Low's monthly paper on American affairs is, as usual of late, devoted chiefly to illustrating the weakening of Mr. Roosevelt's hold over the country. Mr. Low's attitude has long been that of a candid critic of the President. In the present number, in dealing with the settlement of the Japanese-California incident, he flatly, but as we think unjustly, accuses him of ignoble tergiversation.—Mr. H. C. Thomson states the case for Newfoundland as against the modus vivendi, which he regards as only one of a long series of diplomatic dealings in which the interests of the oldest of our Colonies have invariably been sacrificed to Imperial exigencies.—We must also note Dr. Jex-Blake's genial reminiscences of three eminent Rugbeians—Lord Goschen, Sir Godfrey Lushington, and Lord Davey—and Mrs. Gerard Lowther's picturesque " Extracts from a Diary in Morocco."
Mr. E. T. Cook has an excellent paper on "Liberal Colonial Policy" in the new Contemporary. He points out that until the formation of the "Liberal Colonial Club" there was no agency on a Free-trade basis within the Liberal Party for associating British politicians with Colonial questions. The reasons for this omission, and for the estrangement of Colonial sentiment from the Liberal Party at home, are dis- passionately discussed by Mr. Cook, who sees in the forth- coming Imperial Conference "a splendid opportunity of re- moving all such misunderstandings." In the latter portion of the article he makes certain specific suggestions as to the subjects for discussion. Amongst these is the encouragement of inter-Imperial trade. Mr, Cook notes that there is not a single official appointed by the British Government throughout the Dominion of Canada whose duty it is to report to London upon commercial matters for the benefit of the exporter of the United Kingdom. Again, he suggests the organising and development of machinery for directing emigrants to British States. "To encourage a Colonial preference in emigration is at once good sentiment and sound business." In regard to the question of Imperial defence, Mr. Cook is strongly of opinion that Colonial contributions can only be secured by firm adherence to the Liberal principle of national self-govern- ment,—i.e., by modifying the severely centralising attitude taken up by the Admiralty and War Office at the last Conference. Finally, while admitting the existence of obstacles, ho takes a more hopeful view than Lord. Elgin of the question of reciprocal admission to certain professions within the Empire. The whole article is consistently developed on the lines of the principle laid down on the first page,—viz., that to maintain and strengthen the cordial relations between the Mother-country and the British States beyond the sea "there is something more important than any particular schemes or machinery; and that is that all parties in this country should approach Colonial questions in a sympathetic and well-informed attitude."—Dr. Bernstein, one of the leading members of the Revisionist group of the Social Democratic Party in Germany, writes informingly on the German elections. The progress of events which led up to the Dissolution, and the electioneering methods of the Government, are described in a lucid and picturesque narra- tive. Dr. Bernstein denies that there was an alliance between the Social Democrats and the Centre. But, as he puts it, in politics one is not' free to select one's bedfellows, and he admits that black and red did here and there draw together. Much as he dislikes Herr Dernburg, he freely admits the electioneering ability of his speeches. He also admits that the Social Democrats were three hundred thousand behind their normal increase. The causes of this set-back he finds in the connexion of the party with the centralised Trade- Unions, and the consequent alienation of the small masters, small traders, and small farmers, but attributes the defeat chiefly to the united effort of all the upholders of the present state of society against social revolution. Upwards of one and three-quarter million more voters went to the poll than in 1903; and of this increase only one-seventh, instead of one-third, favoured Social Democracy. The Combine has triumphed, but, " composed as it is of the most heterogeneous elements, it may well burst up at any moment." This, how- ever, is not a certainty. "In politics it is not so much love as pressure from outside which binds people together. Class prejudice, hatred of Social Democracy, and ignorant fear of Socialism have made the Combine, and as long as these factors persist its renewal will always be possible." —The Contemporary is strong this month in theological articles; but we must content ourselves with merely calling attention to Professor Mellone's paper on "The Present Crisis in Christian Morals," with its interesting analysis of Tolstoy's adoption of the legal and literal inter- pretation of Christ's precepts, and to Dr. Fairbairn's interest- ing autobiographical "Experience in Theology."—We find Mr. Herbert Paul's pessimistic answer to the question, "Is Literature Dying P" less convincing than bie charming paper on the Greek Anthology in the Nineteenth Century.—Mr, Jesse Quail has an interesting paper on the investments of the masses. In his view, the widening of the area of invest. ment and the increase of the holdings of the wage-earning classes tend to diffuse and " socialise " capital by a more natural and effective process than any system of State appro- priation or mechanical nationalisation.
The article by " Pollex" in the Fortnightly Review on "Ireland and Sea Power" powerfully sets forth the impossi- bility of England being able to tolerate an 'independent Ireland. The writer uses the analogy of Korea, and argues that our position would be even more endangered than that of Japan had she allowed hostile forces to gain a permanent position on the neighbouring mainland. A hostile European fleet based partly on Ireland would mean for us a war with two fronts. It is surely not fantastic, to anticipate the reappearance of a danger that did once actually menace us. A future Roche expedition is not unthinkable. " Pollex " points out that when Mr. Gladstone made his disastrous proposal of Home-rule, Captain Mahan had not then brought before the world the importance of sea power. He also bids us consider the short-sightedness of Mr. Gladstone's prophecies, and quotes the following words which the rhetorician sought to persuade us were facts :—" Every man who hears me knows that I speak the truth when I say that in every year that passes the Norwegians and Swedes are more and more feeling them- selves to be children of a common country united by a tie which is never to be broken." Nor do the prophecies about the union of Austria-Hungary appear to be any more certain of realisation. On the subject of Devolution " Pollex" makes a telling remark. " Every failure, every mistake or misfortune of the Dublin legislature would be ascribed to the unjust limi- tation of its powers."—Professor H. H. Turner tells us of a new discovery in astronomy which from the imaginative point of view is soul-shaking. We have become accustomed to the idea of the solar system rushing through space, but now it seems we must think of the whole of the starry universe as pursuing a headlong flight. Nor is this all, for there exist, not one universe of visible stars, but two, and these are progressing in different directions and at different rates of speed. Professor Kapteyn, of Groningen, first made the researches which arrived at this conclusion, but his work was supplemented and confirmed from different data by Mr. Eddington, of the Greenwich Observatory, while Mr. Plummer, of the Oxford Observatory, before Professor Kapteyn's work was made public pointed out, that known facts indicated the existence of more than one universe. Professor Turner explains the reasoning on which the theory is based, and so cleai-ly is this done that the unmathematioal reader can follow the argument.—Mr. B. C. Baskerville draws a terrible picture of the Russian peasant in his paper on M. Stolypin's scheme for dealing with the land famine.
He tells us that even if more land is given to the peasants —at present many have not enough to support existence— no great improvement can come about until the system of agriculture is improved. One means of alleviating the situa- tion is migration to the fertile parts of Siberia, where the Government could provide plenty of land.
" An Eddy of War" in Blackwood is one of those realistic anticipations with a tendency which appear from time to time in this magazine with such telling effect. In the present instance a City man has been ill and bad all news kept from him, and consequently does not realise that the country has been invaded. Feeling better, he eludes his wife, and tries to go up to London by train. The suburban station is in the hands of the military, and the invalid is arrested on suspicion of being a foreign spy or dynamiter, his bag of papers being put into a bucket of water in case it should contain an infernal machine. The situation is cleared up, and the railway staff officer explains how greatly the enemy has been helped by the so-called "rights-of-the-subject" people refusing to under- stand what war really was. Even " the soldiers were chary of trespassing, and it took a lot of persuading to make them enter any preserved woods." The City man is given a pass to go by train to London, and is much surprised to find that he cannot go as usual in a first-class carriage, but has to content himself with a truck. One of the difficulties of the situation has been the blowing up of bridges by former waiters of the enemy's nationality who remained at large.—The writer of a paper on Viterbo describes this city as one of the few places of untouched mecliaevalism left in Italy. Nowhere, perhaps, as in the chief square can so perfect an idea be formed of what the towns were like which we know so well from the backgrounds of trecento and quattrocento frescos. Italy will be not only foolish but ungrateful if she allows a gem of this kind to be ruined by so-called improvements. Some return is due for the river of gold poured into the country by foreign visitors. An ancient city unspoilt is worth a wilderness of museums. The history as well as the buildings of Viterbo' is full of interest. It was here that the curious procedure of the Conclave to elect the Pope grew up. In the thirteenth century, after the death of Clement IV., the Cardinals disputed for nearly three years without making an election. At last the people of Viterbo, instigated by St. Bonaventura, shut up the Cardinals in a hall, and informed them that the longer the delay the less food they would have. Even then no decision was come to, so the sturdy citizens took the roof off the Council hall. One of the Cardinals was so ill that the others petitioned that he might be allowed to be removed, and they dated their request " from the roofless Episcopal Palace, June 8, 1270." At last Gregory X. was chosen Pope. He decided that at all future Conclaves the Cardinals should be sequestered from the world, and that their rations should be reduced in quantity and quality the longer a decision was delayed.—Mr. Whibley in writing of the "Yellow Press" of America remarks that " if all countries may boast the press they deserve, America's desert is small indeed." To judge by the samples we are given, there must be a population of a very degraded kind to keep up the circulation of such papers. Mr. Whibley suggests that the audience is largely drawn from the unassimilated cosmopolitan proletariat. It is not, perhaps, the infamy but the inanity of "yellow" journalism that is the striking thing about it. America has papers of another kind, and Mr. Whibley pays a tribute to such journals as the Sun, the Tribune, and the Post, "as wise and trustworthy papers as may be found on the surface of the globe."
, Maxim Gorki's account of New York, " the city of the yellow devil," in the Monthly Review is a rhapsody of gloom with no points of relief. The yellow devil is money, and the writer sees the city and its inhabitants in its grip. The approach to New York is thus described :—" From afar the city seems a great maw with uneven black teeth. It exhales clouds of smoke, and appears like a giant suffering from obesity. On entering, you feel that you have chanced into a belly of atone and iron, into a stomach which has engulphed millions, and which crunches and digests them. And Yearly awaits more and more."—Mr. Street's " Ghost of Piccadilly " this month is the "Great Duke." A number of minute details of personal appearance have been collected together which make the figure a Very real one. The bat lined with pale yellow leather, and the two cambric pocket-handkerchiefs, are touches added to the familiar white trousers and blue coat. Mr. Street quotes the late Duke of Argyll, who described Wellington's eyes as his most remarkable feature, and said that they were " blue in colour, and very round, and very large." The drawing made by Goya exactly corresponds with this account of the striking nature of the eyes, which is not the characteristic of the more commonplace portraits—Mr. Horwill wishes to persuade us that America is the land of leisure, where time is of no value. In support of this theory he quotes Dr. Lorenz, of Vienna, who said that nothing would convince him that Americans valued time while they thought it needful to be present when- ever their shoes were blacked. Mr. Horwill notes too the readiness to suspend the traffic of busy streets for processions, whether of the Order of Eagles or some other strange society. The number of fast trains cannot be compared to ours, and a house a mile and a half from the New York General Post Office received no letters after six o'clock. Such things are indeed astonishing to those who believe that everybody in America moves on greased wheels at incredible speed.
The Albany (late the Independent) Renew for April reached us too late for notice in this week's issue.
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