THE MAGAZINES.

In the Nineteenth Century Sir Thomas Barclay writes on the violation of the neutrality of Belgium, emphasizing the points that not only did Germany never denounce the Treaties of 1831 and 1839, but that she did not even conceal the prepara- tions she was making to break her word—preparations which Belgian politicians with few exceptions " treated with almost criminal indifference." But, as. Sir Thomas Barclay goes on T:rtitar tirrotzfort..yosonot Defence. By Eustace H. Baas. London: to say, "leaving the door unlocked does not palliate the guilt of the burglar. The ease with which it is committed is no excuse for the crime.. The invasion of Belgium can never be forgiven or forgotten."—Colonel A. Keene discusses " The Source of Germany's Might." He finds it primarily in the Army reforms introduced by Scharnhorst, aided by Gneisenau and Bfficher "All the strength of Prussia mate upon this that after the great War of Liberation was ended her rulers had the wisdom to retain the strong, sane, and simple system of universal military service which had come into being under the pressure of Napoleon's grinding tyranny. The people of Great Britain believe that Germany is making but an evil use of the great weapon which, under the leadership of Prussia, she has forged. But we must in honesty admit that the weapon is a fine one, and that it was forged originally for a noble purpose. And it is useless for us to squeal against the use to which German power is being put the only protest that will be of any avail will be the victory that we must gain by force of arms."

In regard to Germany's resources he accepts the estimate of the Military Correspondent of the Times that she has still at her disposal some four million men, untrained at the beginning of the war, who may be expected to be ready for the field in the coming spring. And he quotes the despatches of "Eyewitness" in support of his view that the services of every able-bodied man of suitable age will be required before the war is oven—Colonel Cregan, who describes himself as an individualist and opposed to compulsion on principle, is by no means satisfied with the arguments or the figures brought forward in the January number by Colonel Maude in support of voluntaryism. He cordially acknowledges Lord Haldane's aervices, while regretting his uncompromising opposition to Lord Roberts's scheme of National Service, and admits that if a Compulsory Act were to have been passed at all, it should have been passed at the beginning of the war. Hence his conclusion is that of the Spectator—namely, that, as com- pulsion is for the time being impracticable and voluntary enlistment inadequate, we ought to adopt " a middle way" "My proposal is practically to graft Voluntary enlistment for service abroad upon obligatory National Service for defence at home. It may be outlined shortly as follows : (1) Bring in forth- with a scheme of National Service for Home Defence on the lines laid down by Lord Roberts, but with special provision for the

needs of this gigantic war. (2) Let the volunteers for the New Armies be then recruited from the men under training."

—Mr. Lathbury, under the heading " Right and Wrong Methods of Recruiting," expresses his belief that enlistment can best be promoted by instructing the man in the street in the issues involved. "The work has been done for educated England ; it has still to be done for the England which is not educated." Besides homely talks in village halls, he suggests that elementary-school masters should utilize their opportunities for geographical instruction. Also he points out that much remains to be done in the way of enlightening the working classes about Russia, her people and Government.—In this connexion we may note Bishop Frodsham's paper on" Temper- ance Reform in Russia." He finds encouragement for our statesmen in the fact that "a first-class nation has been found ready to shoulder a huge lose of revenue in order to break down the drink evil" But he admits that the reform is temporary. "Russia has done a fine thing. She has shown how a great nation can act at a great crisis with regard to a great national danger. Whether she will remain abolitionist when the crisis has passed is a matter that primarily concerns herself. It is inconceivable that having vindicated her freedom from the domination of the drink disease she will ever endanger that freedom again, as she undoubtedly did before the war nerved her for a glorious moral effort."—M. Eugene Tavernier contributes an eloquent eloge of the late. Comte de Hun. He was not merely a fine speaker and writer, and a devout son of the Church, but a good patriot and a great gentleman. As M. Clemenceau said of him, "_il.sera sable, dans la mo•t, sans distinction de parti, par tons lea Francais emis de grandeur." , M. Tavernier, it may be added, ascribes to the Comte .de Man a large share in the recent religious awakening of France.

Mr. Lewis Einstein, lately American Minister in Costa Rica, discusses "American Peace Dreams" in the National Beview, for, as he puts it, if nations are in arms, pacificiste too are at work. Arbitration as a means of satisfying such claims as those implicit .in the Biemarckian gospel of force is, he admits, inconceivable. 'Yet be does not regard the hope of

ultimate disarmament as vain, with the cautious proviso that "without a radical change in human nature, few more dangerous plane for the preservation of peace can be con- ceived than any cut-and-dried project of disarmament." Nor is he more hopeful of Mr. Roosevelt's scheme of a Superior Hague Tribunal, which seems to involve as its corollary the establish- ment of an international police and an international navy. Here the difficulties, in the writer's view, are well-nigh insuper- able. So he reaches the conclusion that, while here and there expedients suggest themselves as partial remedies, nowhere can one feel convinced that attachment to any one device would be all-sufficient

"The basis for progress and peace will be found less in the formal arrangements of diplomatists, leas in the cumbersome legal devices sanctioned by protocols and conventions, than in the silent evolution of the human mind."

—Dr. Dillon, as we note later on, now dismisses the interven- tion of Japan as impracticable. Mr. E. Bruce Mitford, on the contrary, urges it as indispensable to the maintenance of the numerical superiority of the Allies. Our reluctance he attributes in part to a vain regard for American suseepti- bilitiee

"An eminent American publicist who enjoys—what few of his countrymen ran claim—an intimate personal knowledge of the

Japanese. has recently arraigned the American public for basing its Far Eastern policy 'on fears, instead of facts: That is true. What foundation, then, has our policy, which is based on fears of those fears ? Has the sanity which should govern our foreign relations taken to itself wings? A certain course, if followed, would go far towards ensuring our victory in this great war. Are we to refrain from that course because a number of Californians object, for selfish reasons, to have the Japanese amongst them? Meet the destinies of this vast Empire be shaped by the prejudices of the Pacific coast?"

But be ascribes this reluctance also to an anti-Japanese propaganda carried on by the correspondents of various London and Colonial papers. Of the financial aspect of her intervention Mr. Mitford says nothing, but asserts that, so far as her military resources are concerned, Japan is in a position to play an important, perhaps decisive, part in the European

War. As to the moat promising quarter for Japanese co- operation, Mr. Milford favours the south, where Japan might

take the place of Italy. In any case, he holds that her inter- vention in Europe would in all human probability turn the balance definitely in favour of the Allies, bring the end of the war in sight, and effect an enormous saving of life and treasure, Hence he regards it as the plain duty of our Government to do all in their power to bring it about—Mr. T. Comyn Platt pays a well-deserved tribute to the splendid work of the Army Service Corps, while Mr. Maurice Low in "American Affairs" discusses the American Note, the attitude of the President, and the temper of the Americans generally. In particular, he expresses regret that some of the energy and space used to answer German arguments about the responsibility for the war was not employed to deal with questions of more

practical interest to the Americans. The patriotism of German- Americans, he reminds us, knows no limits. "They would be

perfectly willing to damage American industry if they could advance the German cause." Their aims are further defined in the last sentence of the article :—

What the Germans in America hope for, what they are work- ing for unceasingly, is to bring about a rupture between the United States and Great Britain in the hope of making the United States an ally of Germany, and if they cannot succeed in that, at least to destroy the friendly relations now existing between England and America."

—The editor continues with unabated vigour his campaign against the "Potsdam Party."

Sir W. Ryland Adkins, M.P., writes in the Contemporary on "The War and the National Temper." The national and political unity which the war has brought about are illustrated under three aspects—recruiting, the relief of distress, and public behaviour. In regard to the first, he states from his own experience that identity of feeling among Liberals and Tories, aristocrats and Socialists, has come, and come to stay, in the great problem of national defence. He freely acknowledges the splendid spirit of Oxford and Cambridge. Few places have suffered more in money, but nowhere else are there greater cheerfulness or more examples of personal sacrifice. On the question of voluntaryism v. conscription Sir W. Ryland Adkins, though a voluntaryist himself, abstains from any provocative partisanship. As be puts it, " the man who Bays ' We must never have compulsory service under any circumstances' is

needlessly irritating equally good citizens who believe in it; the man who can talk nothing but compulsory service now is lucky

if he does not hinder volunteering, for among the millions in our country there are bound to be some who will salve their consciences by saying that they are ready to go when they are fetched. These certainly need no encouragement." As for the relief of distress, be points to the lavish contributions from every class, the encouraging fact that the people give where they cannot expect a quid pro quo, and the treatment of Belgian refugees. Thirdly, he points to the absence of serious crime throughout the country; no Assizes were held last month in the counties of Bucks and Huntingdon, while the cases awaiting trial at the Birmingham and Nottingham Quarter Sessions are only a quarter of the average at this time. The article, which is enlivened by some admirable anecdotes of self- sacrifice and cheerfulness, concludes as follows

"The fervour with which the so-called governing classes con- tended with Napoleon is not only equalled, but excelled, by their devotion to the present struggle. Alongside of this is the belief held by artisans in overwhelming majority that the worst 'wage slavery' in England is better than the best which Prussia could give, and that nothing but the permanent overthrow of Pan- Germanism can give safety and liberty for social reconstruction in England. Interfused with these is that peculiar temper which marked the Puritan fighters in the Civil War, and which has lain dormant among those sections of the nation who have been most pacific. Germany will find that the Ironsides have come again. The tie which 'mites these three main types of Englishmen is a two-fold one—the common sense of national need, and the common loathing of what German Militarism means. Deep in the minds of those who, abroad or at home, am now fighting and working in this great war, is the hope that it may be the end of the mail:moue menace of armed peace. Like all ideals, this may be impossible of full and complete attainment. But woe to the statesman who does not realise the force of this ideal, and the ultimate necessity of satisfying it! The leaders of English life in all its sections will not forget this while the war is proceeding, and it will be, let no hope, the most prominent thing before the eyes of their minds, when Peace brings problems even morn difficult than those of War."

— Mr. Harold Spender in "Watchman, what of the Night ? " goes very much further in the direction hinted in the passage we have quoted. While admitting that " we must, of course, carry out the task we have taken up," he holds that " we must not, even at the darkest hour of human fortunes, forget to send out our dove. . . . The 'stricken field' alone has no logic abort of extermination." Ae for the terms, he insists on the surrender of the whole of Belgium by Germany, and suggests that a second invasion of Belgium by the Allies might be obviated by restoring the conquered islands of the Pacific to Germany. With regard to Alsace and Lorraine, "nothing more can be profitably said except that if and when Germany should agree to their surrender, then the peace demands of France as a nation will be largely satisfied.' Turning to the "breaking of German militarism," Mr. Spender, having ruled out extermination and dismemberment, finds the true solution in the reduction of armaments throughout Europe, beginning with Germany—assuming as an indis- pensable antecedent condition that fate should give us the necessary military ascendancy. " We shall have to start with a general European Congress, and we may even have to end by establishing a central European authority, with power to assert and enforce the decisions of the Congress." In the pro- longation of the war ho sees the fearful danger of mutual annihilation. This is a well-meaning but foolish paper. —The other side of the medal is shown in Dr. Dillon'', somewhat pessimistic paper on "The Outlook," in which he discusses how we should fare if peace were concluded to-day, when the war, "about the end of which so many people are speculating, can hardly ho said to have begun." He dismisses the possibilities of internal disruption in Germany, or the defection of Hungary. Hungary, he reminds us, wan Germany's instrument in forcing the present calamitous war on Europe and imposing the German yoke on Austria. He attaches no political significance to the resignation of Count Berchtold, and Dr. Dillon ought to know, for, as ho impressively tells us, "I was with him through all the crises that thrilled Europe during his tenure of office." Count Berchtold was always reasonable, fair-minded, and con- ciliatory, but was overborne by the march of events. For the rest, Belgium and the invaded portion of France form an almost impregnable German stronghold ; Italy, whether she maintains or abandons her neutrality, will be guided by self-interest; and Germany shows no sign of suffering from

attrition, whether in men, money, or food. The intervention of Japan in Europe, which Dr. Dillon has hitherto vigorously supported, he now regards as wholly outside practical politics. —Signor Romolo Maui in "Italy, the Vatican, and the European War" finds in "the undisputed and insidious dominion of Clericalism" the true causes of the internal weakness in which the war surprised Italy last August. The "new love between the State and Church" is the out- standing factor, and Signor Romolo Murri contents himself with observing that "much will be gained if Italy and the Vatican can, at this fateful moment, each follow its own way without entangling the other, and if the first result should be that the Catholics cease their campaign for neutrality, which is to-day a crime against the nation."—There is an interest- ing paper on "The Scandinavian Countries and the War,' by Statsraad Johan Castberg. Starting from the proposition that the three countries have a great common interest in pre- serving their neutrality, and admitting their resentment of the Russian treatment of Finland and their fear of Russian aggression, be declares that Germany's devastation of Belgium has inspired all Scandinavians with horror and indignation

"This general judgment is not due to agitation. The Scandinavian press, anxious to be wholly neutral, has restricted itself to printing reports without comment. Foreign newspapers, reviews, and pamphlets are only read by a small minority of the inhabitants of the Scandinavian countries, and they are mostly German, because that nation sends us more than the others. But grief and indignation at the wrong which has been inflicted on Belgium and her unhappy people has been felt by all classes of society ; it has affected them as one of those burning world calamities that cry to heaven, which are heard and seen by all, and will never be forgotten. No defence of this evil deed has had any effect. The fate of Belgium has taken possession of the imagination of the peoples, and decided their view of the war. The truth is that however divided opinion and sympathy was when the first declarations of war came, it was felt like a strong gleam of light breaking through the darkness, as a raising aloft of justice and morality, when Great Britain took up arms with the inviol- ability of treaties and the right of small nations inscribed on her banner. This world-historic fact, which cannot be belittled or explained away by any talk about other underlying motives, has saved the faith of millions of men, that right is still after all the strongest might in the world."

This view of Scandinavian opinion, we may add, is in accord- ance with the vigorous protest from a Swede in Wednesday's Westminster Gazette against the tone of an article on " Sweden or Germany the Traditional Influence" which had appeared in that journal on Monday.

In the Fortnightly Mr. Mallock notes the many fallacious statements made by certain Socialists before war broke out. Mr. Heir Hardie tried to lead people to suppose that International Socialism could make war impossible, and many working men here were deluded into the belief that it would make no difference to them whether King George or the Kaiser ruled this land. It is astonishing how far spread was this particular delusion; even in remote country villages it was to be found. Often, no doubt, it was the product of a bigoted individualism. A man so firmly believed in his being free to do what he liked that, he would not admit the possibility of external coercion. Have these Socialists yet been disillusioned, we wonder, as to the friendliness of the German democracy, and how stands the doctrine of " the solidarity of Labour "P—Mr. Archibald Hurd in his second article entitled " Will the War End Militarism P" drags into the light two documents which are monuments to the folly of their authors. Does either Sir John Brunner or Lord Loreburn realize now how prefound was his self-delusion, and how, because he wished for certain things, he pretended to himself that black was white P A year ago Sir John Brunner tried to use the machinery of hie party to bring pressure to bear on the Government to cot down the Army and Navy. Sir John Brunner told Mr. Asquith that "he ]188 not even to take the initiative. He has only to follow the good example set by Germany." But nothing quite comes up to the following extract from a work published by Lord Loreburn in 1913 :—

"Life and property at sea should be protected by safeguards similar to those by which they are safeguarded on land by the Hague Convention.. . . In short, the proposal is that nnoffending commerce shall not be interfered with, and that war shall not be' directed against an unoffending population. That covers every- thing.. . . When civilised armies meet on land, neutral persons and neutral property are not directly affected."

The only proper _comment on this last sentence would be a

photograph of Termonde or Dinant in its present condition. Mr. Perris in 1914 wrote the following: "Of actual ,warfare we may say, as of famine, cholera, and plague, that throughout the world the worst boor is passed." What, we wonder, does he think now of his prophecy P All these things were written, we most remember, with a view of persuading, the nation to throw away its only protection against Germany.— " Politicus " writes of "Italia Irredenta." Trieste is a diffi- cult problem. It is an Italian town, but its wealth depends on its being the port of a rich Slavonic country inland. Erect a Customs barrier between them, and Trieste becomes a dead city. Although the general policy of the Austrian Govern- ment is to oppress and mismanage the Slays, in Trieste they are petted, because by so doing it is possible to annoy the Italian population. Austria is only capable of showing sympathy to one race if by so doing she can hurt another. It is the same with the Law Courts, the Slav language now being used instead of Italian, in spite of the Fundamental Law of the Empire that the administration of justice should be in the language of the majority. In Lintel Italians form seventy-four per cent. of the population. The Church acts in the same way as the Government, and an Italian is not sure that he will be buried with the rites of his Church if the priest is a Slay. Curiously enough, the Slav priests are taking to use the vernacular instead of Latin. "At Lindaro a Croatian priest refused to baptize an Italian child because the father wished the function to be conducted in Latin." —Mr. Robert Dell examines the attitude of the Vatican towards the war. He is convinced that the Roman Church desires the victory of Germany and Austria. Austria is the only remaining Great Power supporting the Papacy officially, while none of the Allies, except Belgium, acknowledges the Pope. The Roman Curia will no doubt wish for the victory of the side which will tend to strengthen the position of the Church. —Captain Cecil Price recounts the doings of thel3oy Scouts during the war, and gives many instances of their usefulness. In peace time the Minister of Education had nothing but official snubs for the Chief Scout, and talked foolishly about militarism. Now it is announced that "the uniform is recognized by His Majesty's Government as the uniform of a public service non-military body." Wheat the Scouts asked for help from the Education Department, Jealousy said: "'Fall behind.' But it's 'Please to walk in front, Sir,' when there's trouble in the wind."

Mr. Spenser Wilkinson wrote a little book for the guidance of the soldiers now preparing themselves for war. No better supplement to this book could there be than " The Diary of a Subaltern" now appearing in Blackwood. Especially is this the case with the present instalment, which describes an actual bit of work with surprising clearness. In the vastness of war we lose all count of the actual effort of the officer and the men just under him. By means of this Diary we realize how the work is done which makes the great machine move. —Mr. Charles Oliver portrays an old Junker, fierce in language, incompetent in action, intemperate in habits, but scrupulously honest in his dealings, largely through pride of caste. Here is an account of Junker religion :—

"When the clock struck eight or eleven, as the case might be, the old Junker considerately left God to himself for the rest of the day and transferred his devotion to the Naval League, the Kaiser, the old Kaiser, Bismarck, Zeppelin, Krupp, the German Army, the German soldier, or any other of the patriotic ideals that Junkerdom approved."

—An article on "Civilian Control in War" reviews an astonishing number of follies that have been committed by Governments in time of war. Democracies have no doubt been the worst offenders, though we did some strange things in the eighteenth century in this way. There is an account of the manner in which a campaign in India was conducted that makes us wonder how success was possible. In 1768 Colonel Joseph Smith had two Field-Deputies, "after the Dutch manner," appointed to accompany him in the field, and to add to the confusion one of them was Commissary General. " Relations between him and Smith must have been a little complicated, for (1) as member of Council he was Smith's superior, (2) as Field-Deputy he was hie colleague, (3) as Commissary-General he was Smith's subordinate." Wellington was not free from such troubles, and in Portugal was worried by de Souza, of whom be wrote that he "is a mountebank with whom, notwithstanding every attempt I

find it impossible to converse seasonably. I have therefore been compelled to frighten him, which is not very difficult." —The chronicles of "The First Hundred Thousand" are continued by "The Junior Sub," with his pleasant combina- tion of shrewdness, good humour, and high spirits. A very important state of the training has now been reached, and con- sists of lectures given by officers home from the front. These every one feels are the real thing, and make considerable holes in the rules laid down by text-books.—Mr. Weigall surveys the beginning of the New Egypt, and points out the gains accruing to that country by the sweeping away of so much of the lumber of the Capitulations. He also gives a high character to the new Sultan.—A new naval story begins its first chapter in this number, "The Law of the Medea," by " Bartimens."

We reserve our notice of the United Service Magazine till next week.