THE MAGAZINES.

THE Nineteenth Century for June contains a long and most important article by Sir William White on "The Cult of the Monster Warship," in which be asks that the nation should most carefully consider whether it is wise to accept the proposition that in future only ships of the' Dreadnought' type will count in war, and to act on the policy inspired by that principle. We do not possess sufficient technical knowledge to enable us either to admit or to reject Sir William White's arguments, but we hold that the points he raises should receive very close attention. One of his chief points is that we ought to remember the danger of putting all our eggs into one basket, or, to be more exact, ten or a dozen baskets. To enforce this, he calls to mind the fact that the Japanese lost two out of their six battleships in one day by the explosion of submarine mines. It cannot be disputed, be goes on, that extreme concentration of fighting-power in single ships of enormous size and cost must be accom- panied by large relative losses. "Unless and until," be goes on, "it can be demonstrated that, for a given expenditure, better results can be obtained, in aggregate fighting efficiency and in provision against known risks, by constructing vessels which may be classed as of the Dreadnought type, rather than by constructing a larger number of vessels of somewhat less individual offensive power and speed, it would be a folly to admit that the policy described is the best for Great Britain." But even if we are inclined to accept this view in the abstract, it may be that we shall be driven in spite of ourselves to adopt the monster type. We may have been very much mistaken in having set the example of Dreadnought'-building ; but if all the world now follows it, it is conceivable that it may be impossible for us to desert

our own mistaken ideal. In other words, if the 'Dread- noughts,' for good or ill, have come to stop abroad, it would probably be too great a risk for us not to have plenty of them, no matter what the cost. In ships of war three things are required. First, great offensive power,- i.e., potency of gun-fire. This means the possession of guns many and great. Next, the ship must be fast. And lastly, it must be protected by thick armour. But all these conditions cannot be obtained to the fullest degree in one ship. Great power, offensive and defensive, has to be compensated for by loss of speed or its equivalent, speed endurance,—i.e., coal capacity. The problem of construction, then, is how to attain the just balance between these conflicting claims. Whether the 'Dreadnought' or a smaller ship constitutes the happy compromise it is, as we have said, impossible for us to determine. Yet upon the true determination of this problem may rest our naval safety. Sir William White's article, like all that comes from his pen, is exceedingly well and moderately written. To illustrate this, and the general bearing of his article, we cannot do better than quote the striking passage with which it concludes, and with which we agree :—

"It may be urged that the subject was exhaustively considered by the Board of Admiralty, aided by a special Committee on Designs, before the Dreadnought and Invincible classes were ordered, and that the conditions of naval warfare remain unchanged. The writer is of opinion that any impartial reader who peruses the official Report of the work done by that Com- mittee will be convinced that the inquiry made was not exhaustive, nor marked by the deliberate investigation essential to the solu- tion of a problem of great difficulty and supreme importance. He recognises the right of the Admiralty to select the types of war- ships best adapted to the requirements of the British Navy.. He has endeavoured to state the case fairly for and against the new types, and he ventures to believe that a case for further inquiry has been made out."

—Lord Esher contributes an interesting paper of personal re- miniscences of General Gordon, enlivened by some characteristic letters illustrating, inter alia, his strong views on economical administration, his ardent adhesion to the " blue-water " school, and his Devolution scheme for dealing with the Irish question. In all these letters we find that "extraordinary compound of imagination and practical good sense" which Lord Esher observes was a characteristic of Gordon's mind. Gordon's description of the College of Censors in China might be applied to himself : "Fanatics, yet humble, they seek the welfare of their country and live in penury." Perhaps the most interesting letter of all is that in which he appealed to the rising politicians to forswear their "fearful treats, dinner-parties," &c., and band themselves together to form a. voluntary Imperial intelligence department.— We are glad to welcome back Mr. Herbert Paul to the pages of the Nineteenth Century. His paper on "The Permanence of Wordsworth" is an admirable appreciation of the great and perdurable qualities of a great poet—his divine simplicity, his intimate communion with the spirit of Nature, his sublimity—which was, in truth, as Longinus puts

it, peru\oeflpocrisvne thrixqua.—Mr. Montague Crackanthorpe, who upholds the principles of Eugenics as conducing to the well-being of the nation, discusses incidentally the relation of

Eugenics and Socialism, and pronounces that the study and practice of the science would be to the full as necessary under Socialism as they are under Capitalism. The possibility of a salutary modification of the individual is slight, and "against the probabilities of any such 'variation' must be set the fact that with the advent of the Socialistic millennium, when, we are told, the struggle for wealth, place, and power will cease, there would also cease the tightening up of the springs of energy and action, which must then fall into decay by disuse."

The article on "Some Neglected Aspects of the Entente Cordiale" in the National Review amounts to a plea for supplementing the present Agreement with "a military understanding." The nature of that understanding is more precisely defined by the statements that "if France were suddenly attacked by Germany, it is absolutely vital that England should be able to come to her aid, not only at sea, but also on land," and that "what England needs to give effective aid to France, is a rapidly mobilisable field army, complete in every respect, of 200,000 men amply supplied with artillery,

with large reserves, and with, behind it, a territorial force of at least 350,000 men." The writer, who takes an unfavourable

view of the moral of the French Army and the adequateness of her armaments, treats the question very much from the stand-

point of the Temps and other papers which have provoked the protest of Baron D'Estournelles de Constant.—Mr. Louis Corbally finds in the Americanisation of the Western Provinces a menace to Canadian unity. But this does not involve depreciation of the Americans. On the contrary, he declares that while the Britisher "who has failed at home comes out to seek redemption in this land of promise, Americans who have done well in their own country come to Canada to do better under its more favourable conditions."

The problem which now confronts the Dominion Government is

thus stated by Mr. Corbally :-.--"Are these hordes of American and cosmopolitan immigrants likely to produce sound factors

in Imperial-Canadian growth or add their measure to ita menace? Is it better statecraft to fill the land with alert alienism in a few years, or to populate it, in as many or a few more decades, with British settlers and their natural increase?" Personally he favours a policy aimed at increasing the volume and quality of British immigration. Canada must take the initiative, "but, alone, she can achieve but little." England must show the way, and, so far as we can follow the rather nebulous peroration of the article, that means the adoption of a policy of Imperial Preference.

Mr. Maurice Low in "American Affairs" discusses the President's battleship programme and the burden of military expenditure in the States, which, according to the Chairman of the Committee on Appropriations, is heavier than in any European country. Mr. Low has some instruc- tive comments on the steady growth of the war pension. list. A Bill has now been passed for the benefit of widows, involving an estimated addition of E3,000,000 to the pension expenditure, "but it has invariably been the case that all estimates of the cost of pensions have fallen far short of the actual amount involved."—Mr. Austin Dobson writes a charming paper on "The Library of Samuel Rogers "; Mr. Behr discusses the effect of quick transit on the housing question; and "A Rambler" concludes her pleasant series of papers describing "A Little Tour in South Africa." The mingled charm and sadness of Natal have deeply impressed this "light-hearted tripper," and the circumstances of her departure enabled her to realise that "we bad experienced all that was sweet, and left the bitterness to those who live their life in that great and fascinating country."

Sir Thomas Whittaker pursues his inquiries into the financial aspects of the Licensing Bill in the June Con- temporary. He makes a good point by showing that nearly every brewery company now in existence in England and Wales was registered after 1882,—that is, after the "profes- sional secret"—viz., that subject to appeal the Licensing Magistrates-can refuse to renew the license of any and every bolder of an "on" license—had, by the admission of the organ of the liquor trade, been divulged and promulgated by the decisions in the " Over-Darwen" and "Sharp v. Wakefield" cases. "The public put scores of millions in, and those who sold and promoted many of the companies took tens of millions out."—Sir Oliver Lodge sends what may be described as a little sermon on the drink question. He is by no means a thoroughpaced enemy of fermented liquor, and rejoices to note that one University at least in this country is teaching the principles which underlie scientific brewing. But he cannot admit the opposition to the Government Bill to be altogether untainted by the spirit of greed, which, in his view, is "the Modern Devil," and the outcry from vested interests makes him suspect that the change proposed by the Government is beneficent.— Mr. Sidney Webb's address to the Social and Political Education League, in which he expounds the doctrine of a national minimum—in wages, leisure, sanitation, education, &c.—is here reprinted under the title of "The Necessary Basis of Society," Mr. Webb contending that this policy is a needful condition for a healthy social order, whether we adopt the Individualist or the Collectivist principle in the organisa- tion of the State.—A very interesting paper is contributed by Sir William Ramsay on the working of the Carnegie Trust at the Scottish Universities, based in particular on his experi- ence at Aberdeen. Roughly put, his criticism amounts to this, that while the Trust was doing splendid work in the early years of its administration, under the liberal and enlightened rules which were at first put in force, by making the students who came to College "study deeper and higher," an outcry, based on the theory that the Trust was a charity rather than an endowment, has led to the promulgation of new rules which are causing a steady deterioration in the amount of higher education.—" Oxford in the Sixties" is a very entertaining budget of personal reminiscences, some of them genial, but in several cases slightly malicious in flavour. For instance, Mr. Platt, the writer, tells a story of a well-known Bursar whose preoccupation with finance so coloured his thoughts on all occasions that 3 when he was preaching for a friend on the guilt of Judas, he chiefly concerned himself with criticising the unbusineeslike conduct of Judas in accepting such inadequate remuneration as thirty pieces of silver."—Mr. Lough's onslaught on the Government's policy in regard to the Sugar Convention in the House on Wednesday is foreshadowed in his paper on "Free Trade and the Late Ministry."

Mr. Angus Hamilton's article in the Fortnightly shows us the difficulties of the Amir of Afghanistan in ruling his semi-barbarous State and maintaining friendly relations with the Government of India. The anti-foreign element in the country is a strong one, and resents such things as the wearing of European dress. The Amir's brother, Nazr Ullah Khan, has made himself the leader of this conservative party, appears in sacerdotal garb, and has thrown in his lot with the mullahs, whose influence in the country is very great. The situation is still further complicated by the Amir's half-brother, whose mother is a direct descendant of Dost Mahommed. The difficulties of his position have tempted the Amir to make friends of the turbulent tribes of the Indian frontier, though there is no reason to doubt his desire to remain on friendly terms with us. But he has not the commanding position of the late Amir, who, while he made use of the tribes to consolidate his own authority, was at the same time able to control them.

"Excubitor" gives an interesting account of the progress of gunnery in the Fleet, It is curious to learn how slow the navies of all countries were to take advantage of the guns of precision with which science had provided them. Evidence was given before a Committee of the American Senate to show that at the battle of Santiago out of 9,000 shots fired only 120 hit the mark. The improvement made in gunnery in our Navy may be judged by the follow- ing figures of heavy gun-layers' tests. In 1898 there were 2,527 hits and 5,436 misses ; in 1907 there were 1,991 misses and 7,547 bits. In the former year the percentage of hits to rounds fired was 31.63, in the latter 79-13.—Sir Godfrey Lagden concludes his papers on the South African natives and their problems. This last instalment is of great interest, and marked by moderation and hopefulness of view. The writer shows how many misunderstandings of the native there have been. For instance, it has been believed that the men idled in the kraals while the women worked the land. This happened when constant tribal wars took the men away from home, but was not a fundamental principle. These wars were largely responsible for the system of polygamy, so many men being killed that the women greatly predominated in numbers. Sir Godfrey Lagden tells us that he considers that the influence of " Ethiopianism " has been overestimated. But he says that Socialistic ideas have been circulated by natives who have gone to America to obtain that higher education from which for social reasons they have been debarred in South Africa. To obviate this evil, and indeed as a matter of justice, higher education should be available for natives who wish for and are able to pay for it.— Mr. Arthur Ransome writes some notes on the Salon des Independents as a preparation for a like institution which is being started in London, and which will hold an Exhibition at the Albert Hall next month. The basis of the institution is that no committee of selection comes between the artists and the public. The artist hires wall-space and hangs what he likes. Mr. Ransome describes the Paris Exhibition run on these lines, tells us of its experimental work, and warns conservative London that it may be startled by the originality of those who are seeking to express themselves in new ways. —Miss Elizabeth Robins starts a serial story in this number, and opens with a wicked Italian Count driving a coach and four along the dusty roads of the Engadine.

Colonel G. K. Scott-Moncrieff writes in Blackwood one of those charming papers which are peculiar to this magazine, and in which some distant part of the Empire is described. The subject chosen is an Indian irrigation canal. We are not only told of the beauty of the scenery, but are also given glimpses of the men who conceived and carried out the beneficent work of bringing water into thirsty lands. These canals in India are very different from the narrow, sluggish waterways of England, and might easily be mistaken for swift-running rivers. They follow the natural curves of the ground, and enhance the beauties of the scenery through which they run. The British have followed in the steps of the native engineers, for the Western Jumna Canal was made by the Emperor Tuglak Shah, and later was improved both by Akbar and Shah Jehan. But the real beginning of scientific canal-making, like so many other things, has its origin in the Italian Renaissance. The researches of Galileo are the starting-point of modern practice. Among the greatest of the British makers of canals in India was Sir Arthur Cotton. Colonel Scott-Moncrieff also tells us of another canal authority who lived alone for twenty-five years, absorbed not only in his work, but in all that concerned the welfare of the natives.— Mr. A. S. Hunt writes of the comedies of Menander, of which during late years such important fragments have been dis- covered in Egypt. Mr. Hunt says that the plots of the plays show a tendency to repetition of the same rather mechanical devices, and that the genius of the writer lies in his subtle delineation of character. " Menander neither idealises nor caricatures. He is a realist, who obtains his effects by a series of light and skilful touches, not by large splashes of colour."—" One Night," by an anonymous writer, is a most graphic description of an episode in the later stages of the South African War. A small fortified post is roused at night by a Boer, who says he is in the service of the British. He brings news that a convoy from whom he has come is being attacked. The commandant believes the story, and sends out some mounted infantry under an officer who is highly sceptical. How they went through the dark, wet night, and found the convoy peacefully asleep with no enemy near, and how the Boer was honest, though mistaken, is told with great spirit and wonderful distinctness.

Mr. C. T. Bateman's article in the Albany Review discusses the statistics which have of late disquieted the Nonconformist Churches, showing, as they do, a serious falling off in church membership. It is very difficult to give absolutely the cause of the diminution, and the writer of the article does not attenipt a full solution of the problem. He does, however, suggest several reasons for the state of things, and quotes a leading Wesleyan minister as saying that too much attention has been paid to the secular side, and too much importance attached to revivals. The writer also notes that ministers do not visit the members of their congregations as much as formerly. He admits that in this respect their position is a much more difficult one than that of the clergy of the Established Church. At the same time, we are told that the habit of attending Conferences has greatly increased, with the consequence that ministers have less time for such duties. With regard to the laity, it is noted that the middle classes are changing their habits in some respects, spending more on their houses and way of living, and often leaving home at the end of the week, which may account for some reduction of numbers. Mr. Bateman sensibly concludes by asking why Anglicans and Nonconformists cannot unite in facing common difficulties, and points out the danger of divisions and contentions. Apparently the clergy of all denominations have to go to China before they can realise Christian unity. —The writer of the notes on "Current Events" seems to be completely unable to understand the meaning of the ridiculous fiasco of last autumn's campaign against the HOMO of Lords. He still calla for de l'audace, and regrets the late Prime Minister. He either has not perceived that the bulk of the country is quite indifferent to the Bills thrown out by the House of Lords, or else wishes, like a despotic Jacobin, to make the country have, not what it wants, but what the " progressives " consider good for it. With such an attitude of mind, we are not surprised to find the writer in sympathy with Sir John Brunner and his inverted Protection by State interference.

The first article in the United Service Magazine for June, entitled "Invasion Unopposed," by " Gitche Gurnee," author of the prize essay, is a series of notes on the question of invasion or non-invasion, which we recommend to those who study the matter in detaiL It is followed by two interesting comments on this subject, one by Admiral Sir Cyprian Bridge and the other by Admiral Sir Edmund Fremantle. Admiral Bridge's paper opens with the following passage

"It is remarkable that, notwithstanding the length of time during which the question of the invasion of Great Britain has been discussed, and, it may be added, notwithstanding the elaboration of detail which has characterised the discussion, no one has yet told us exactly what it means. If ever there was a case for precision this is one. Minutely precise figures for tonnage, times of embarkation and disembarkation, distances, duration of voyage, and other things have been given in abundance ; but the main thing is left in bewildering vagueness. Does the invasion mean the landing of a rigorously limited fraction of the enemy's military force, or does it mean that he can send across and land in the island just as many troops as he pleases ? The importance of a definite answer to these questions will be seen at once, when it is remembered that the highest number yet suggested as that of the invading army is less than one-twenty-fifth of the lowest total at which the assumed invader's military force is ordinarily put. Are we to take it that our enemy will consider that less than a twenty-fifth part of his force will be sufficient for the capital operation of a great War? If so, why should we take note of his remaining millions of armed men ?"

Another contribution to the subject is "Invasion from a Naval Point of View," by" Procyon."—Another interesting article is that on the National Guard of the United States, by Charles Sydney Clark. Mr. Clark points out what a very large part the magnificent armouries of the United States National Guard play in their system, and what a great attraction they prove to recruits.