BOOKS OF THE DAY
The Federal Dream
MR. SmErr's book is one of the most impressive pieces of political pamphleteering published in our time ; impressive for its sincerity, evangelic-al fervour and hortatory force rather than for depth or
logic, but nevertheless impressive. His proposal is an adaptation of Union Now to the present crisis. He urges that the United States invite the nations of the British Commonwealth to join it in a new Federal Union ; that they draw up a Constitution modelled after the American system, with executive, legislative, and judicial branches ; that member-States retain their present governments for home affairs—Britain remaining a monarchy, the United States a republic, and so on ; and that the Union Govern- ment deal with foreign affairs, provide and dispose a common defence force, maintain free trade among the member States, and furnish a common currency, common postal system, and common citizenship. Other nations, on application, may be admitted on a basis of equality with the founders, " until the Union shall gradually become the government of all mankind and armament be reduced to a world-police-force."
To enter into details in discussing Mr. Streit's plan would be both unfair and fatuous. Its details are all tentative, and his conception must stand or fall according to the worth of its main outlines. We may also put out of consideration its remote object, the establishmnt of a world-government. That this object is commendable nearly everybody will grant ; it is a consummation toward which humanity must steadily work ; but its attainment will require much time, much labour, and doubtless much experi- mentation. In all probability, it belongs to a period still remote and a state of affairs which no one can now predict. The scheme of a union of America, Britain and the Dominions must be appraised in relation to more immediate objectives. It can best be tested by a few simple touchstones. Is it practicable? Are the labours, sacrifices and controversies involved incommensurate with the objects? Is it the best means of attaining the end sought?
It is regrettable that Mr. Streit expends so much space on the intensity of the present crisis, the history of American federation, the economic interdependence of nations, the French contribution to Anglo-American- safety, and other far-ranging topics, and gives so little space to answering these main questions. The practica- bility of the scheme is, of course, a vital matter. As Mr. Streit points out, the American Union succeeded when many people in 1787-90 predicted that it would certainly fail. But then it suc- ceeded in a natural geographic unit, whose people almost universally admitted the need for some confederacy or federation, and whose States had long since banded closely together to fight a protracted war. The feeling of exclusive State attachment in Massachusetts or Virginia in 1787 was slight compared with the feeling of exclusive national attachment in Britain, the United States, or Eire today.
Some light is thrown on the question of practicability by reference to earlier advocates of English-speaking union. John Fiske had a vision of Anglo-Saxon federation. The American J. K. Hosmer touched upon the subject in his Short History of Anglo-Saxon Freedom in 189o. John R. Dos Passos in The Anglo-Saxon Century in 1903 proposed a compromise between federation and mere verbal expressions of good will, to be embodied in a treaty. This instrument was to provide (r) for entry of the Dominion of Canada into the United States ' • (2) for common citizenship for English-speaking peoples ; (3) for absolute freedom of commercial intercourse ; (4) for uniform coinage, weights and measures ; (5) for a judicial system to deal with all subjects under the treaty. We might name numerous later writers. Why have such proposals never come within distant hail of practical adoption? The mere fact that Canada would shudder at the thought of free trade with Britain, and that Mr. Streit proposes instant free trade throughout his broad Union, must give readers pause. Cordell Hull has had his troubles in a very modest invasion of British, Canadian and American tariffs. And not only many vested privileges, but, what is far more im- portant, some very real liberties are bound up with national autonomy. Calhoun has some interesting pages on the ticklish relations of liberty and federalism. But the more fundamental question is whether Mr. Streit's plan is the best means of attaining the objects sought—whether the toils, conflicts and sacrifices are not incommensurate with the cnd. The principal objects, if we read the book aright, are four. They are, first, a swift, full and effective provision for common defence ; second, an abolition of the trade-barriers of various kinds that now strangle commerce throughout the great democratic areas ; third, a promotion of intercourse, intellectual, political and social ; and fourth, the erection of a democratic organisation so powerful that it shall forever guarantee its members, and the backward
parts of the globe, against domination by autocratic States. These are admirable objects. But do they after all require an absolute federation? Are not the means excessively grandiose, cumber- some and even risky? After all, if Mr. Roosevelt and the American people stand by their latest engagements, swift, full and effective provision for the common defence will be made without even a formal alliance. A reduction of trade-barriers (abolition is a strong word) should be practicable without a grand new constitutional convention, a Constitution of the Free, a new capital and an imposing new set of officers. Promotion of inter- course, arbitration of disputes and even the grant of common citizenship can be arranged by simpler means. As for guarantee- ing democracy against aggression, that is essential. But if the expected victory over Germany is won with due completeness, that problem also may admit of a simpler solution.
The danger is that in aiming at too millennial an object, men may unintentionally defeat more modest but more practical and useful endeavours. So shrewd and liberal a man as Mr. Streit is doubtless anxious to avoid that danger. But does not the scheme of Union Now With Britain court it? It may lessen the demand for simple but urgent undertakings ; for immediate mobilisation of American resources, for immediate co-ordination of defence, for immediate harmony in commercial fields. Is it even certain that the erection of a formidable union of English-speaking States would fill the rest of the world with pleasure, awe and a desire to come under the New Roof? The emotions might be fear, resentment and dislike ; rival coalitions might rise to postpone the world-government that Mr. Streit desires. It is possible that the best road to world-organisation still lies through Geneva, and that the next great step should be more catholic, more inclusive, than Mr. Streit's proposal. These matters ought at least to be pondered. There are times, as Mr. Streit says, when it is right to be bold ; but in matters political the normal Anglo-Saxon impulse is to say " one step (on very solid ground) enough for
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