NEWS OF THE WEEK..
A SUDDEN and a wholesome change has come over the face of Italian affairs. They are now much nearer a happy solution than they were a week ago. Friendly relations have been re- stored between Garibaldi and the Turin Government ; that Go- vernment has taken a decided step to assert its own claim to undisputed leadership, and Victor Emmanuel himself has as- sumed the command of the regular army operating against the enemies of Italy. Ancona has fallen, the forces of Garibaldi have had their revenge on the Neapolitan soldiery, and the Pope, guarded by an augmented mass of Frenchmen, protests with Ernulphian vehemence—but remains.
- This happy change is attributed to many causes, foremost among them being the resolution of Count Cavour's Cabinet to face the difficulty in front and overcome it. They summoned the Parliament for Tuesday, and they were prepared to render up an account of the past, to propose a new step, and to ask for a fresh sanction from the Chambers. In the meantime the King departed from Turin, to place himself at the head of the army, and called up the Prince of Carignan from Florence to act as his Lieutenant during what might, and probably will, be a pro- longed absence. Garibaldi cannot enter into any contest with Victor Emmanuel, and if the latter appears at the head of an army on the Volturno, he must be sole leader. When the Par- liament met, the first thing proposed to them was to pass a short bill empowering the Government to annex the Two Sicilies and the Roman States, should those states vote for annexation. Count Cavour, on behalf of his Cabinet, gave full explanations. He described Italy as almost free, Venetia being the exception. He enlarged on the inexpediency of assailing Venetia until Italy should have become strong, and on the folly and guilt of assailing Rome while it was defended by the troops of the Emperor Napoleon. He told his hearers that an attack on Venetia would be the signal for a coalition against Italy—that those who wished the Italians well could not help them—and that those who demand only a pretext for interference would eagerly accept the challenge. But while they were unable to assail Venetia with a chance of success, and could not fall upon Rome without committing a crime, they could do much to promote the unity of Italy by authorizing the Government to accept any offer of Naples, Sicily, and the Roman States. To leave the Southern provinces a prey to uncertainty would be giving a premium to revolution. Annexation, assuming the goodwill of the people, could only be held back in order that the irregular might usurp the function of the regular movement, hitherto so successful in freeing Italy. But revolution, apart from its effect on the only solid government in the peninsula, would breed a hostile coali- tion, and terminate in unmixed *aster. The Government therefore assumed the duty of interposing, and Victor Emmanuel, in whose name liberty has made her conquests, held himself answerable for the fate of the people who had fought in his name. These arguments are indefeasible. The King's Government has taken the only course which we ventured to suggest as sound, for in proposing immediate annexation they practically declare war against King Francis, and are bound to aid in ejecting him from Gaeta. This we may presume, from the address of Victor Emmanuel to his soldiers, will speedily be attempted in conjunction with Garibaldi. That chief has an- nounced to his troops the proximate arrival of their regular brethren, the Piedmontese, and he has shown a decided acquies- cence in the direction given to affairs at Turin by dismissing Bertani, discountenancing 111azzini, and permitting_ a moderate government to be formed at Naples..Thus the national move- ment has again been brought under the control of Victor Em- manuel and Count Cavour ; and the establishment of a strong Italian kingdom begins to be probable.
The attitude of the French Government is still passive. True, the army of occupation at Rome has been increased, but General Goyon is limited to the exact area of occupation required by
" military," and not by political conditions. That is, General Goyon, like any other commander, is bound simply to cover the front and flanks of his post, and secure a line of retreat for his force. If we may believe a current report, while declaring his determination to defend the Holy Father, the Emperor has inti- mated that it will be a most delightful day for him when he can hand over the sacred deposit to the keeping of an Italian prince and an Italian army. The wrath of the Pope and the Cardinals would make the report look true, were that ebullition not to be accounted for by the successes of Fanti and Cialdini. We must remember that the Papal States have been carried by storm, the Papal army captured or dispersed, and the Papal crusader, La- moriciere, a prisoner of war.
The Moniteur, announcing the reinforcement of the French army of occupation and defining the powers of General Goyon, hints at a Congress as the ultimate court of appeal-
" It only appertains to the gTeat Powers asembled in Congress to pro- nounce, one day, on the questions which have arisen in Italy from the late events."
That day may be more or less distant. We have suggested a Congress over and over again. But the elements of an European court of that kind do not yet exist. The only Congress we hear of is the Congress at Warsaw, and that is to be officious, not official. Until the day for a more general Congress arrives, " the Government of the Emperor," says the Imperial organ, " in conformity with the mission which it has imposed upon it- self, will continue to discharge the duties resulting from its sym- pathies with the Holy Father, and from the presence of our flag in the capital of the Catholic world." This is sufficiently vague ; but it carefully excludes any promise to defend the temporalities of the Holy Father, further than such defence as may be in- volved in the safe keeping of the French flag.
The military position has somewhat changed. For the first time we have seen the troops of King Francis act on the offen- sive. We knew, last week, that Garibaldi bad sent a detach- ment to Piedimonte in the Apennines, and to Cajazzo on the right bank of the Volturno. The object was to help on an in- surrection and to threaten the King's line of defence. But there were no insurgents to be helped, and the Royal troops, in over- whelming numbers, fell upon and defeated the gallant garrisons of the two towns. Garibaldi immediately strengthened his position in front of Capua, and hurried forward his artillery. Nevertheless, while their courage was up, the Neapolitans be- came the assailants, and, crossing the Volturno, made a point at Caserta. According to the telegrams they were driven back with great loss, and 2000 men, cut off from the attacking co- lumns, were taken prisoners. These are new features in the war, and show' the growing confidence of Kin.. Francis. But the game of successful resistance will be up from the moment when a Piedmontese column debouches from the Apennines at Venafro, or shows itself in line with Garibaldi on the Vol- turno ; for that would compel the King to leave Capua to its fate, and make a last stand in the stronghold of Gaeta.
To guard against contingencies, the Austrian Government is spending its small means in extensive armaments, and the first fruits of the renewed understanding with Russia are seen in the " repressive measures " put in force in Hungary.
