DRINK AND THE WAR—AND AFTER.
ITo THE EDITOR OF THE " SPECTATOR."] SIR,—Tho arguments for suspending the manufacture and sale of liquor during the war are so conclusive, and the public is so ready to accept them, that there is little doubt the thing will be done unless the extremists confuse the issue and alienate moderate opinion. Assuming, then, that we shall have Prohibition for that period, what is to come after? Will the drink traffic be resumed as before? I, for one, fervently hope not. I believe the nation would not tolerate that. The period of suspension! will afford an opportunity—an unprecedented opportunity—of setting the house in order, and of getting rid, once for all, of the main obstacle to temperance reform—namely, the interest of the Trade. Therefore I urge that as soon as the temporary Prohibition is enforced, we proceed next to arrange for the purchase of the liquor interest by the State at whatever figure a body of disinterested persons appointed for the purpose conclude to be reasonable. I do not love the Trade. I like it so little that I have never owned a share iu any concern that makes its profit by the sale of drink. But I believe in fair dealing, and I think the public conscience would not be satisfied if it were proposed to confiscate the property of innocent people. It would be worth while to pay even a big price for the facility the nation would thus acquire to do as it thought fit with the drink traffic of the future. There would then be complete freedom to test whether the character of that traffic could not be revolutionized, to curtail or localize it, even entirely to suppress it, as the people might desire.—I am, Sir, he., [Professor Ewing's policy is exactly that which the Spectator advocates, and has advocated for the past eighteen months—Pro- hibition during the war and the elimination of private profit from the sale and manufacture of intoxicauts after the war; i.e., State Purchase. State Purchase automatically brings with it, besides not pressing sales, and the wholesale reduction of public-houses, Local Option. It does more. At present Local Option would be opposed by a very rich and powerful organization fighting for its life. Under Purchase there Would be no such deadly opponent of temperance. The issue would be fought on its merits. It is dividends, not drink, that stand in the way of Local Option as of War Prohibition.—ED. Spectator.]
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