7 APRIL 1979, Page 7

Bhutto: the final act

Victoria Schofield

Islamabad As Zulfikar All Bhutto mounted the gallovvs no-one could know what last thoughts Occupied an undoubtedly great mind which for so long had been crammed full of the affairs of state: the economy, industry, poverty and international politics. Nor could anyone be sure how he bore himself but, in keeping with the forbearance he had shown throughout his year and a half in solitary confinement, it was undoubtedly with courage, conviction and a clear conscience. For the last few days of his life it poured With rain. It was not the drizzling rain to Which Europeans are accustomed but the torrential rain of countries which have hot climates. People in Pakistan were sombre, silent and depressed. They felt helpless in the face of martial law which arrested anyone on the spot who tried to organise a Procession of protest. The uncertainty itself Was agonising— any day they might wake up to find that the former prime minister was already dead. Only in the imagination was it Possible to conjure up the vision of the solitary figure — once sturdy and robust — waiting in a cold concrete cell with an upwanted beard growing on his pale face, since the use of a razor was no longer Permitted. There were only two things for hun to await — first to say goodbye to his fa,flailY — his wife Begum Nusrat Bhutto and Ms daughter Benazir, both of whom had pursued an unrelenting battle to save his life. He was permitted to spend a final three It. ours with them. As they emerged from the Jail the expression on their faces indicated that they knew What was about to happen. At 2 am on 4 April 1979, 21 months after the military coup d'etat which ousted him On 5 July 1977, Zulfikar All Bhutto was executed by means of hanging in RawalPindi district jail where he had spent the last ten and a half months.

• For those who wish to give Bhutto a place in history, he deserves this for having restored the morale and prestige of a country of 70 million people which was discredited and demoralised after the war of 1971 when East Pakistan seceded to become indePendent Bangladesh. After the instability of civilian governments and military dictatorships, Bhutto's people's government was the first in the history of Pakistan to have a Populist ring. Elhutto started off on a good footing. He had all the advantages and opportunities of a rich family background and a good education combined with his own talents and ambitions to reach the top. He was only 43 Years of age when he became President and then Prime Minister of Pakistan after the 1971 war. Undoubtedly throughout his tenure of power Bhutto made enemies — people who envied his success, abhorred the policies of socialism he felt it was necessary to implement, and those who believed his western style of life was un-Islamic. Bhutto himself admitted the conflict of a man who was an aristocrat and yet who fervently believed in helping Pakistan's poor. His supporters give him credit for awakening the political consciousness of the masses and for giving them dignity and self-respect. He took trouble to campaign in the poor areas of the country and the masses were heartened by his promises of a better life.

To most outside observers it appeared that at last under Bhutto Pakistanis were getting over their inferiority complex visa-vis India. Some autocracy, it was felt, was necessary for a country emerging out of feudal bondage and knit together only by a common faith. Bhutto dealt with secessionist problems in what his opponents criticised as a high-handed manner. But Bhutto was looking to the unity of the federation and by 1977 the troubles were over. It looked as though Pakistan was in for a period of peace and prosperity after Bhutto and his People's Party secured a new mandate from the people.

But the alleged rigging of the elections in March 1977 resulting in fierce agitation from opposition parties indicated that not everyone was happy with his tenure of power, nor with the men around him. It was the starting point of a downfall which reached a vindictive end. The imposition of martial law in July 1977 was the next stage. From then onwards, instead of being in charge of a country, Bhutto was soon reduced to being called a 'common criminal', awaiting the dictates of other people's justice, first through his trial for conspiracy to murder a political opponent in 1974, then through his prolonged appeal before the Supreme Court of Pakistan. It was clear from the start what the authorities wanted the verdict to be and they supplemented the charge with volumes of literature alleging unproven misdeeds relating to almost every aspect of his conduct in what his supporters called the most 'vicious vendetta' of all times. It was almost as though the military regime was aware of the flimsy murder charge against Bhutto and was trying to make up for this by other unsubstantiated charges to try and make the people believe that he deserved to die anyway. With what people believed was gross indecency, on the very night he was executed, his houses in Larkana and Karachi were raided, making it appear that the authorities had not finished their attack against the Bhutto family. Most believe that his condemnation without the grant of mercy was clear proof that those now in power were determined to be rid of Bhutto in any circumstances. Angry and disheartened, his supporters pointed to the substantial grounds for mercy: that at best the former Prime Minister could only have been an abettor; that the charge along with hearsay evidence rested upon the word of one man who, by deposing against the former Prime Minister, had gained a pardon; that the verdict in the appeal was split three to four with the minority opting for acquittal; that there were unproven and contradictory assumptions with regard to the ammunition used, which cast doubt on the role of the federal security force in the murder; and finally that the High Court judgement gave the death penalty on the grounds that he was not a good Moslem, which comments the Supreme Court chose to expunge from its judgement. Moreover in the new Islamic laws propounded by Zia mercy was one of the vital tenets. Yet in spite of all these considerations and the manifold appeals for clemency from all over the world no mercy was shown. In the unstable climate of Asian politics the military regime obviously felt that unless Bhutto were executed a changed political situation would bring him romping back to power. Zia-ul-Haq always denied the political implications of the murder charge but in not exercising his power to commute the sentence he has shown himself only too cognisant of it.

In the ultimate analysis many believe that the leaders of Pakistan in 1979 have greatly miscalculated. They have wrought a tragedy on a family and a people in an act of unparalleled ingratitude towards a former head of state. The assumption that Zia had to execute Bhutto in order to preserve his own hold on the country comes to nothing when, as undoubtedly will be the case, members of the family and his supporters seek to hold Zia personally responsible, along with the two Chief Justices — Anwarul-Haq of the Supreme Court and Maulvi Mushtaq of the Lahore High Court—for the 'Judicial murder' of an innocent political leader and a great man. Moreover it is felt that the military authorites cannot contain Bhutto's supporters in jail indefinitely and sooner or later the people will emerge with the legendary Bhutto as their inspiration to wreak revenge on the perpetrators of the deed. What they were unable to do to save his life they will feel determined to do to avenge his death. Bhutto himself talked of the fragmentation of Pakistan, a country already beset by provincial sentiments, if he were to be executed. Undoubtedly in order to eliminate Bhutto the military authorities have taken all manner of risks regarding the interests of the country. Only in the fullness of time, as Bhutto would himself say, will people know just how great a disaster for Pakistan was the execution of Zulfikar All Bhutto. Most believe they have destroyed a great leader and brought upon themselves prolonged conflict.