TOPICS OF THE DAY.
TEL FIRST NIGHT OF THE SESSION.
No impeachment of the 'Minister was threatened on the first night of the session ; Lord Palmerston's replies sounded almost as pointed as any that he ever made ; he succeeded in foiling some of the most direct blows ; yet his friends look grave and the hopes of his enemies are rising. He parried, for the time, Mr. Disraeli's assertion that he had been a party to a secret compact between France and Austria guaranteeing to the two-beaked eagle its hold on Italy. With his colloquial wit he tore up Mr. Disraeli's " romance " of debate ; end he gaily accepted the accusation that he created difficulties in order to extricate the country from them, for it warranted the retort that some men can create the difficulties without the extrication. Yet Lord Palmerston's gayety left behind it a sense of melancholy. He might be able to explain each point; but a Minister in the full swing of success, returning triumphantly from a two-years war to domestic business, does not explain—he announces. The Premier had to run the gauntlet of inquiries about all that has been done from the close of the Russian war—if the Russian war is closed. Even on that point Government leaves the germ of a doubt. Lord Palmerston promises to give us "the final protocol" recording the arrangement and the change made in the treaty with regard to the delta of the Danube, but he declines to give us "the various documents of which that protocol was the result." Why ? "Why are we at war with Persia ? why are we at war with China ? " were questions also urged in both Houses. Lord Palmerston may say that it is as yet too soon to give a complete answer to these questions. He told, indeed, no more than the journals had already explained, even when he held out a hope that the arrival of Ferukh Khan in Paris would lead to a peaceful conclusion. But Ministers are unable to maintain the ground which they had assumed. If the Address passed without amendment in the House of Lords, it did not so pass in the House of Commons : moderate Sir John Pakington was more successful than Lord Grey, and, without division, Lord Palmerston consented to modify the allusion to China, in order that Sir John, in passing the Address, should not have a chance of appearing to concur in approval. No account can be given of results from the intervention in Italy—that "great hoax,' as Mr. Disraeli calls it. Mr. Gladstone showed how the intervention had resulted only in aggravating evils ; how it had begun in a conference technically disqualified for the discussion, because Naples was not represented, although the affairs of that country might very justly have been brought before a properly constituted European Conference. Lord John Russell described fiternative courses, by which, through friendly representations, Naples might have been induced to assume a milder government, or might have been compelled. He indicated a rule of conduct in Italy closely resembling that programme which Count Cavour laid before the Paris Conference on the 8th of April, closely according with the language of Lord Clarendon, and proportionately differing from the actual course taken by the colleague of Lord Clarendon, his chief, Lord Palmerston. Lord John contrasted the misery of Southern and Central Italy with the happy effect of good government in Northern Italy, which has profited so little by the support of England. The whole survey exposed a series of hazardous interventions without adequate results; and Lord Palmerston's explanations did no more than seek to exculpate him from having done positive mischief, broken positive law, or violated pledges. Indeed there are no accusations against his Government so serious as that which he has, half-involuntarily, half-unconsciously, brought forward himself. Mr. Disraeli had accused him of interfering to prevent the Swiss acceptance of the French proposals, until Switzerland asked what England would do for her support; the English Government having in fact no support to give her. But what did Lord Palmerston add to this charge, which he tamely denied ? he avowed the result of the whole intervention to be, that the Swiss have been induced to release the prisoners, and "take their ohance " ; the King of Prussia being under no engagement to acquiesce in the proposals of France and England. It may be a romantic love of system-making which leads Mr. Disraeli to describe Lord Palmerston's policy as "a perpetuallyrecurring system of difficulties." There may be no recognized motive to guide the Premier in following up a Russian war with a Neapolitan "discontinuance of diplomatic relations," a Swiss "difficulty," a Persian invasion, or a Canton bombardment ; he may not intend, as Mr. Disraeli insinuates, to evade the expectation of Parliamentary Reform, or to claim the credit of Administrative Reform, while depriving himself of the opportunity and resources for the work ; he may not intend to create pretexts for keeping up what Lord John Russell denounces as the "newfangled system of increased estimates during a time of peace." These coincidences may happen without any predetermined purpose on the part of the Premier ; but if so, his good faith is saved at the expense of his foresight. The facts have happened, and the Oppositions in both Houses make the best use of them. The prospective Estimates came before the House of Commons in a curious fashion : Mr. Gladstone has picked up the materials in part from Lord Panmure's announcement to his friends at .Arbroath; and he calculates that the naval and military expenses of the first year of peace will amount to not less than twenty-four or twenty-five millions. If so, he says—and he was met by nothing but a very general denial—it is time for Parliament to interfere for the reform at once of our military system and our finance. Here again Mr. Gladstone had been anticipated by Mr. Disraeli, and he ES followed by Lord John Russell. The force of circumstances seems to bring these several Oppositions together, and it is a matter of course that the Manchester party should act with them at least in going for reduced estimates. Mr. Disraeli took his stand upon the Income-tax settlement of 1853, the settlement arranged between Mr. Gladstone and the House of Commons, which would now reduce our Income-tax to fivepeuce in the pound. The three Oppositions, therefore are de facto at the head of the movement against the Income-tax out of doors.
In the debates of the first night,—the same subjects being handled in the House of Lords, though grasped with loss firmness, —Lord Palmerston's heretofore successful Ministry appeared in
the position of having lost the initiative—of being reduced to explanations; its announcement of "practical improvements" fall ing flat upon the car. The power of command appeared to have passed from it. The relative positions of men have changed, although the men arc the same. There has been apparently no material change in the circumstances or conviction of this country. We are not aware that Mr. Disraeli has done anything of an unusual character, except to pay rather a peculiar visit to Paris ; while his appearance as "Member for the Tuileries" certainly cannot have strengthened him with the British public. Mr. Gladstone has never had a party at his be*, and he would not take advantage of an agitation out of doom for merely factious purposes. There has been no discussion of any Reform Bill, presumptively ascribed to Lord John Russell. Nothing has passed on the subject of Naples to attract for him or Mr. Gladstone any special attention on the part of the public.
If there is any change, it has been in the Government; and perhaps even in it there has been loss change than we might suppose from the altered circumstances. At present the Government appears to have left the political initiative for any public men or parties who please to take it up ; the Government contenting itself with the humbler duty of carrying on the administration. Perhaps this is inherent in the character or position of Lord Palmerston. He assumed the direction for the purpose of carrying on a war. He has never been an original mover in any of the political agitations of this country. He has been a member of Reform Governments ; but his functions wore special, almost professional; the policy of the Cabinet being shaped by others.
A non-political Cabinet, however, is an entire novelty in the official history, of this country. There have been occasions when a statesman, like the Duke of Wellington or Lord Aberdeen, has accepted the Premiership without any special political "mission," simply in order "that her Majesty's Government might be carried on'';but that has been at times of peculiar embarrassment, on some occasion which is popularly called "an emergency." We suppose that Lord Palmerston would hardly excuse his position on the plea that he holds the office of Premier during a chronic "emergency." Hitherto, with those exceptions, the Government for the time being has been the natural head of some political party carrying on a political movement : at present any political movement which may exist is represented by other parties ; the Government itself representing no political or popular party whatsoever. This explains how it contents itself with administrative duties, the political duties of a Government being in abeyance. U explains how the Government waits to be guided by presents, from without. It remains to be seen, however, how a Cabinet devoid of political relations can continue "to carry on her Majesty's Government" in the political arena of Parliament.
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