Etilafto fait rutuuiing inVartinintut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.

Noun OF Loans. Tuesday, Feb. 3. Opening of the Session ; Queen's Speech— Debate on the Address ; Lord Grey's Amendment negatived by 45 to 12. Thursday, Feb. 5. War with Persia and China ; Conversation—The NeviForest ; Lord Malmesbury's Complaint—Tickets-of-leave; Lord Berners's Motion for Returns.

Friday, Feb. 6. No business of importance.

Horse or CoMnons. Tuesday, Feb. 3. The Queen's Speech ; Debate on the Address.

Wednesday, Feb. 4. Report of the Address agreed to—Judgments, Executions, &e.; Mr. Cranford's Bill read a first time.

Thursday, Feb. 5. Iludson's Bay Company ; Mr. Labouchere's Motion for a Select Committee—the Vacant Judgeship; Sir George Grey's Answer to Mr. Gladstone —Ionian Subjects' Commissions ; Mr. Labouchere's Bill read a first time—Norfolk Island (Ecclesiastical Government) ; Mr. Labouchere's Bill read a first time—Motions on Supply nights : Mr. Williams's Motion.

Friday, Feb. 6. Sittings of Convocation ; Mr. J. G. Phillimore's Question—the Persian War expenses ; Mr. Baillie's Question—The Financial Statement; Questions and Answers—The Bank Charter ; Sir George Lewis's Motion fora Select Committee —Passing Tolls ; Mr. Lowe's Bill read a first time.

The session of 1857 was opened on Tuesday by a Royal Commission. There was little to distinguish it from ordinary ceremonials of the like kind except the absence of the Queen, and the ringing of "Big Ben." In spite of the frost without, some groups gathered in the neighbourhood of Westminster Palace. In the House of Lords there was a fair show of ladies, but not more than seven Peers, beside the Commissioners, attended. A larger number of Commons than is usual met at two o'clock ; and on being summoned to the Upper House, went thither, with the Speaker and Lord Palmerston at their head.

The Lords Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Argyll, the Earl of Harrowby, Earl Spencer, and Lord Stanley of Alderley. 'The Queen's Speech was read by the Loan CneweiLima, as follows. "My Lords and Gentlemen—We are commanded to assure you that her Majesty has great satisfaction in recurring again to the advice and assistance of her Parliament, "We are commanded by her Majesty to inform you, that difficulties, which arose in regard to some of the provisions of the treaty of Paris, de

layed the complete execution of the stipulations of that.treaty. Those dill'

, cuaties have been overcome in a satisfactory manner, and the intentions of , the treaty have been fully maintained. I "An insurrectionary movement which took place in September last in the Swiss Canton of Neuchatel, for the purpose of reiatablishing in that Canton the authority of the King of Prussia as Prince Of Neuchatel, led to serious differences between his Prussian Majesty and the Swiss Confederation, threatening at one time to disturb the general peace of Europe. But her Majesty commands 1.18 to inform you, that, in concert with her august ally the Emperor of the French, she is endeavouring to bring about an amicable settlement of the matters in dispute ; and her Majesty-entertains a. confident expectation that an honourable and satisfactory arrangement will be coneluded.

I "In consequence of certain discussions which took place during the Conferences at Paris, and which are recorded in the protocols that were laid before you, her Majesty and the Emperor of the French caused communications to be made to the Government of the King of the Two Sicilies, for the purpose of inducing him to adopt a course of policy calculated to avert &Tigers which might disturb that peace which had been BO recently restored to Europe. Her Majesty commands us to inform you, that the manner in which those friendly communications were received by his Sicilian Majesty, was such as to lead her Majesty and the Emperor of the French to discontinue their diplomatic relations with his Sicilian Majesty; and they have accordingly withdrawn their missions from the Court of Naples. Her Majesty has directed that papers relating to this subject shall be laid before you.

" Her Majesty commands us to inform you, that she has been engaged in negotiations with the Government of the United States, and also with the Government of Honduras, which she trusts will he successful in removing all cause of misunderstanding with respect to Central America. "Her Majesty has concluded a treaty of friendship and commerce with Sian', which will be laid before you.

" Her Majesty commands us to express to you her regret that the conduct of the Persian Government has led to hostilities between her Majesty and the Shah of Persia. The Persian Government, in defiance of repeated warnings, and in violation of its engagements, has besieged and captured the important city of Herat. We are commanded by her Majesty to inform you, that a British naval and military force despatched from Bombay has taken possession of the island of Karrak and of the town of Bwihire, with a view to induce the Shah to accede to the just demands of her Majesty's Government, Her Majesty has seen with satisfaction that the naval and military forces employed, on this occasion have displayed their accustomed gallantry and spirit.

"Her Majesty commands us to inform you, that acts of violence, insults to the British flag, and infraction of treaty-rights, committed by the local Chinese authorities at Canton, and a pertinacious refusal of redress, have rendered it necessary for her Majesty's officers in China to have recourse to measures of force to obtain satisfaction. Those measures had, up to the date of the last accounts, been taken with great forbearance, but with signal success as regards the conflicts to which they had led. We are commanded to inform you, that her Majesty trusts that the Government of Pekin will see the propriety of affording the satisfaction demanded, and of faithfully fulfilling its treaty-engagements. "Gentlemen of the House of Commons—Her Majesty has directed the Estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before you. They have been prepared with every attention to economy, and with a due regard to the efficient performance of the public service at home and abroad.

"My Lords and Gentlemen—Her Majesty commands us to inform you, that bills will be submitted to your consideration for the consolidation and the amendment of important portions of the law ; and her Majesty doubts not that you will give your earnest attention to matters so deeply affecting the interests doll classes of her subjects. " Her Majesty commands us to recommend to your consideration the expediency of renewing for a further period the privileges of the Bank of England, the conditions imposed on the issue of bank-notes in the United Kingdom, and the state of the law relating to Joint-stock Banks.

" Her Majesty commands us to express the gratification Which it affords her to witness the general wellbeing and contentment of her people ; and to find that, notwithstanding the sacrifices unavoidably attendant upon such a war as that which has lately terminated, the resources of the county remain unimpaired, and its productive industry continues unchecked in its course of progressive development.

"Her Majesty commits with confidence the great interests of the country to your wisdom and care ; and she fervently prays that the blessing of Almighty God may attend your deliberations, and prosper your councils for the advancement of the welfare and happiness of her loyal and faithful people." The Commons withdrew and both Houses speedily adjourned, the Commons until four, the Lords until five o'clock.

DEBATES ON THE ADDRESS.

When the House of Commons resumed, the SPEAKER, after some preliminary business had been transacted, read to the House " her Majesty's gracious Speech." Sir JOHN RAMSDEN then moved the customary Address. In performing his task, Sir John dwelt at some length on the negotiations rendered necessary by the Russian misconstruction of the treaty of Paris; on the conduct of Lord Clarendon who although he could not that at misconstruction had shown that he could defeat its object ; and on the courage of Lord Palmerston in proclaiming that although this country values her alliances she is not dependent on them. Passing lightly over the ruptures with Persia and China, he spoke of domestic aflbirs,—pointing to reduction in expenditure and taxation, and to the resumption of law and other reforms. Sir ANDREW AGNEW seconded the motion ; following more closely, and -with less freedom of handling, the terms of the Speech itself.

The Address having been put, Mr. DISRAELI commenced a very elaborate oration with complimentary and bantering remarks on the speech of the mover of the Address. But passing rapidly to more serious matter, he observed, that a year ago we indulged in the delusive idea that we had laid "the foundation of a prospect of peace" more favourable than that of 1815,—a peace founded on the utter discomfiture and defeat but not the humiliation of our foe. At no time were the arts of peace more cultivated in Austria and France than they were during the war ; and we had a right to suppose that they would prosecute them with renewed vigour when war had ceased. We had a right to expect that England would enjoy permanent tranquillity, and a mitigation of her burdens ; and that a Queen's Speech would hold out such prospects. "Why have we been disappointed ? " The Queen's Speech is a speech of "wars and rumours of wars." Is that what was expected by Parliament when the treaty was signed at Paris ? But the seeds of new troubles were sown as soon as peace was signed. An English Minister counselled interference with an independent state. The public was led to expect a great struggle and every day we anticipated that a French army would appear in the centre of Italy. And thus for six months the

public mind was diverted and distracted from the consideration of its domestic interests. Will it be believed, that while Lord Clarendon was listening to Count Cavour at the Paris Conference, he knew that there was a secret treaty in existence guaranteeing to Austria her Italian dominions !

Lord PALICIESTON-" By what Power ?"

Mr. Drseania—" By the Power that can cross the Alps and threaten Austria." That guarantee was given by France, not merely with the sanction but by the advice and at the special instance of the British Government Mat did the Austrian Minister care for the representations of Lord Clarendon, when he had that guarantee in his pocket? When the King of Naples was menaced, of course he consulted the Emperor of Austria ; who replied by telling the King to be perfectly easy, for England and France, the Emperor's best friends, had given him the titledeeds of his estate. The country was bored to believe that there would be war between France and Austria if there were insurrection or revolution in Italy ; "while all the time it was all a great hoax." Mr. Disraeli's next topic was the " Bolgrad difficulty" ; which he endeavoured to show arose from the "unprecedented blundering" and "awful mistake" of Lord Clarendon. The pith and essence of the treaty would have been destroyed had it been executed as agreed to by Lord Clarendon. And because Lord Clarendon made a blunder, Lord Palmerston excited the passions of the people of this country until they were almost ready to bear a 20 per cent income-tax. Yet the Conference which Russia offered in August, and we refused, had to be held after all! With the "Italian difficulty" and the "Russian difficulty," the whole year wasted away. Mr. Disraeli treated the "Swiss difficulty" so as to make it appear that there would have been no difficulty had it not been for the Government of Lord Palmerston, who in the first instance counselled the Swiss to reject the mediation of the Emperor of the French.

During the whole year, there was a conviction on the part of the people that we were on the eve of a great struggle; yet " all this time the tran quillity of Europe was so profound that even a firebrand of a Minister could not disturb it.' All the populations of Europe were only anxious to develop their industrial instincts. But in this state of affairs, "the innocent, suffering, energetic, industrial, commercial, over-taxed people of England, are reconciled to their position, and are even enthusiastic in favour of the noble Lord, because they think that the burdens they beer are the natural consequences of the enormous dangers surrounding them, and that the noble Lord is the only man who can extricate them from difficulties which necessarily result from the condition of Europe." He is such a master of his art that he can succeed in distracting the attention of the country from its domestic affairs. He" thinks that with the hand of a master he can always raise an European difficulty, foster it until the right moment, and then evade its consequences." But just when he was winding up his account in anticipation of meeting Parliament; when he had written his first four para. ra hs respecting the American, the Italian, the Bolgrad, and the Swiss

culties • just when he may have been saying—" I can now meet Parliament with confidence. They may ask me what is my domestic programme ? what I am going to do about Parliamentary reform ? I will refer them to a late noble colleague of mine. (Great laughter.) They may ask me what I am going to do about Administrative reform ? I will answer in the words of Richard the Second—) I am your administrative reformer !' Just at that moment when the noble Lord would have had no difficulty in evading any disagreeable inquiry, he finds that Canton is blazing and Persia is invaded." (Cheers.)

In Mr. Disraeli's view, the Chinese and Persian "difficulties" have happened in consequence of a predetermined policy at home. By the policy of the Government in Persia, that collision with Russia which might not have happened for years is precipitated. "Are we always to have in time of peace difficulties in our foreign relations ? "

The last section of his speech was on taxation and expenditure. All the topics of controversy which we thought settled in 1853 are reopened. Recapitulating the circumstances under which Mr. Gladstone's budget was accepted, Mr. Disraeli contended that the opposition at that time was silenced by the terms offered by Mr. Gladstone, between whom and the Opposition " a compact was entered into." The proposition of a Succession-duty was intimately connected with the settlement of the Income-tax. The promise that the Income-tax should cease in 1860 was accepted as an equivalent for the Succession-duty. If the settlement of 1853 is disturbed, the questions respecting the difference between precarious and permanent incomes, and of exemptions, are raised, and also the old bitter quarrel as to the peculiar burden of taxation on the holders of real property. His conclusion was that we "ought to adhere to the settlement of 1853." There ought to be no doubt as to what Government intend. The question should be brought forward by some one who undoubtedly speaks the feelinge of a large party in the House, and should be brought forward early. "I should have been glad that some gentleman who sits near me should have undertaken the task ; but it has been thought by many that I ought not to shrink from it ; and on this day fortnight, if it be convenient and agreeable to the House, I will ask their opinion upon this subject. I think my course will be to move for a Committee of the whole House in order that I may introduce resolutions. My first resolution will be, to express the opinion of this House, that taxes which have been granted in time of war for the purpose of carrying on hostilities, by way of Incometax, should not be levied in a period of what we are assured by the honourable mover of the Address is one of profound peace. Mx second resolution —of course I am not pretending to give the language I should lay upon the table of the House—will be, that the House should express its opinion that the settlement of 1853 of the right honourable gentleman the Member for the University of Oxford should in spirit be adhered to." (Cheers.) If these resolutions be carried, it will be a significant expression of the opinion that England should not be a military nation; and it will give an impetus to a salutary economy. He was not afraid to say that he is jealous of a standing army, and of the new mysterious military policy ; and he would rather see the army in the hands of the Queen than under the control of the Parliament of England.

The Citaamarroaee of the EXCHEQUER followed Mr. Disraeli, but eonfined his speech to points connected with his own department. The Government, he said, does not intend to make any constitutional change in our military force. With regard to the financial statement, it will be his duty to make that when the House has examined the Estimates. There is no reason why there should be any departure from the usual practice. After a pause, Mr. GLA.DSTONE appeared as the next speaker. Unaware of the discussion on which Mr. Disraeli would enter, he had presumed to endeavour to catch the Speaker's eye when the seconder of the Address sat down ; knowing that important financial considerations were agitating the country, and that if there was one man bound to be definite and prompt in stating his financial views, that one man was himself. When the Chancellor of the Exchequer rose, Mr. Gladstone expected that he would notice the charges that had been made in "the comprehensive and remarkable speech" of Mr. Disraeli,—charges which the honour of the Government required them to notice. He seemed to say that there was some compact in existence' unknown to Parliament, by which England

is tee to Austria fur Italian possessions.

DISRAP.LT here explained—He had said that France had guaranteed the Italian dominions of Austria, " with the sanction, approbation, and at the instance of Eng1and."1 Mr. GLADSTONE said he was glad to have that explanation. If it be true, then, such a proceeding ought to have been made known to Parliament. He went on to discuss the topics of the Address. " It is strange that, when the genius of the noble Lord is in the ascendant, we have ten quarrels for one that occurs under any other Minister'a reign. (Laughter.) It is strange that we should always have to break i with all the world n succession; that in every ease we should find ourselves to be unquestionably right, and should have to denounce, one after the other, the rest of mankind as either knaves or fools; and that in every case we should begin with bold and braggart language, witluhighsounding pretenaions, and yet, in every case, the result should be ourlooming down pretty nearly to the terms our opponents hail offered us at first." He reserved has opinion on the policy of England in regard to Naples. "At the same time, I am strongly of opinion, that it was for the interest of

Europe that the great Powers should unite to enforce and urge upon the King of Naples the adoption of those measurea which are required to establish legality and good government in his dominions." Speaking of the question relating to the treaty of Paris, he expressed im opinion, that the fullest information with regard to the transactions consequent upon it should not be withheld from Parliament. The tone taken by the Primo Minister, the colour he gave to the case the serious charges, the interests at stake, could not be passed over lightly. Referring to the Central American question, he approved of the substance of the arrangement, but thought it had not been drawn up with sufficient care : instead of making the surrender of Ruatan contingent on the assent of Parliament, Ruatan has been handed over absolutely to Honduras. He would not at present presume to pronounce on the merits of the quarrel with Persia,. but he could see no bets justifying our proceedings. By whose authority, he asked, has the war against Persia been waged ? It has its

root elsewhere than in Calcutta. If it was undertaken by commands from London, then theAuestion arises, by what system is our Government of India carried on ? Have the expedition and the policy of the expedition had the sanction of the Court of Directors, or been adopted with their knowledge ? Ought we to quarrel with Persia and make the people of India boar the cost of the war? " I may be wrong, and it may be an oldfashionod notion, but I have less scruple 111 expressing it because I cannot be deemed to say it in concert with any person or any party, but I frankly own, that if her Majesty's Government have carried us into an European war, it was their duty to have called Parliament together at the first moment when they ventured to contemplate so serious a step. I will not now inquire whether there be any precedent which may either palliate their neglect, or, in their own estimation, justify their proceedings ; but I will say without fear of contradiction, that the practice of commeneing wars without associating Parliament with the first measures is utterly at variance with the established practice of the country, dangerous to the oonstitution, and absolutely requiring the intervention of this House in order to render tho repetition of so dangerous a proceeding utterly impossible." The first topic Mr. Gladstone dealt with in our IMMO policy was the Rare graph in the Speech respecting the "renewal" of the Bank Charter. "Now, Sir, I have a very strong opinion that the privileges of the Bank of England, properly so called, require revision quite as much as renewal. The rolations between the Bank and the State are extremely ill-defined. They date from aperiod when financial ideas were immature, when public faith did not exist, and when it was important to induce a body of merchants to besome security for the State. Those were the circumstances that called the Bank of England into existence. I admit that the Bank of England has rendered great services to the State ; but much ofthe relations now existing between the State and the Bank of England is based upon these antiquitted and in the present day highly inappropriate ideas. Therefore I sin prepared to contend, that whatever arrangement is made with the Bank of England should be agreed to after comprehensive and careful investigation of the whole matter, and of the character of the Bank of England as the agent of the State for the purposes of finance. I think that this paragraph ought not to have indicated a foregone conclusion with respect to the renewal of the Act of 1844. That act was one of a long course of progresgive measures. It did not pretend, in the judgment of Sir Robert Peel, ita responsible author, to a character of absolute finality. I am not prepared to unsettle any portion of that act for the state of things that existed before that measure was agreed to. But it ought to be understood, that it is open to consideration whether the Act of 1844 is capable of improvements, that would not frustrate the beneficial purposes of its author, but would give increased assurance to the community that we are beginning to emerge from the series of monetary experiments, and are about to bring our monetary system to a comprehensive and permanent and established basis."

But there is a still more important subject—the Income-tax. "The

country shows a greater disposition to be critical and sore on the subject of taxation, than to be critical and sore on the expenditure that makes taxation necessary." It is the humour of the country at the present moment to be"jealous with respect to taxation, but perfectly rockleas with regard to expenditure." The question turns on the scale of expenditure. The War Minister informed the highly favoured town of Arbroath, and other highly favoured places in the North-east of Scotland, that there will be a reduction of 20,000,0001. in the military estimates. Now in such matters precise figures are the only intelligible language, and thew round numbers are given us through the noble Lord's gracious benevolence at Arbroath. The military estimates last year were 35,000,0001. Lord Panmure's intention is apparently to present estimates of 14,000,000/. or 16,000,0001. for the military establishments. Mr. Frederick Pecl lately said at Bury that his mind was relieved after the announcement at Arbroath ; but Mr. Gladstone's mind was seriously disturbed by that announcement. Then there are the naval estimates. Sir Charles Wood would exam him for making a guess at them. Last year after they were reduced they were 16,500,000/. There was 5,000,0001. for tromped service, which of course would not appear in the next estimate ; and Sir Charlek would give some reduction on the remaining 11,500,0001. Perhaps his estimate will be about 9,000,000/. So that the cost of the peace establishment will be 24,000,0004 or 26,000,000/. Now look back to our experience before the war. The comfort of the soldier has been increased, but the charges of those ameliorations are not heavy. If changes must be made in the military system, other changes have taken place strongly tending to economy. Because we are founding a vast colonial empire, it is not necessary that we should have a vast force to defend it: free inetitutions carry with them the obligation of defence. Then we no longer require 20,000 or 30,000 troops to act as police in Ireland. "The average amount of the military estimates during the forty years' peace was 14,000,0001.; and they wereat their lowest point in 1835, wheu they amounted only to 12,000,0001. Since 1836 they

have risen considerably, but have rarely exceeded 16,000,0001. or 17,000,900t. although within the last fifteen or twenty years you have been creating a new fleet with a new system of propulsion at an enormous temporary ex diture. This being the amount of the estimates before the war, the overnment now propose, as I understand, to raise them to a sum at least considerably exceeding 20,000,000/., a sum about double the lowest estimate • of the last peace, and exceeding by 6,000,0001., 7,000,000/., or 8,000,0001. the estimates of those years in which you were creating your steam-fleet. I am authorized to speak the sentiments of no man ; but some gentlemen with

whom I am in familiar intercourse agree with me, I believe) in the opinion that we must look at the expenditure of the country; that this House cannot

fully discharge its duties by looking only at taxation I feel it my

bounden duty, first, to lay, hold of theproposed expenditure; and it is my conviction that if it be the opiuion of the Government that it is necessary

to maintain a military establishment upon a scale at all approaching to that which I have named, we must deal with the Estimates, not by nibbling at them here and there, but by a general motion, taking the sense of the House

upon the expediency of saddling the country with such a charge." If no person better entitled should undertake the task, Mr. Gladstone said he would undertake it himself; so that he may embrace the earliest opportunity of registering his earnest and solemn protest against the enlargement of the whole system of peace expenditure in this country.

Passing from the Estimates to the Income-tax itself, Mr. Gladstone denied that there was anything of the nature of a "compact" with parties in the House of Commons in the arrangement of 1853. Of such a compact he knew

nothing, He explained the circumstances under which the arrangement was corn to, regarding the acceptance of his plan as an act of generous con

fidence extended from the Parliament to the Government. This settlement it is incumbent to maintain—" the pledge of the Government was given in 1853, and we received value for it. It referred mainly to something that

was to take place in 1860. Four years of the seven have passed away. It

is to my mind reasonable and just that the right honourable gentleman on behalf of his friends, and that every man on his own behalf and on behalf of his constituents, should acknowledge the duty of the House of Commons to say now, in 1867, whether the pledges of 1853 are or are not to be fulfilled. And I deprecate all schemes—except in debating societies—of comparison

between direct and indirect taxation, so far as they stand between the House of Commons and its practical duty. I deprecate those inquiries about a uniform and a varying rate. What is the use of voting a perpetual income-tax because you think the rate should be varying, and then all your life long finding that you are supporting a uniform rate ?

Now that has been the case practically up to the present time. The question as to a varying rate is a question between the air and the clouds ; it has never become practical. No Minister sitting on that bench has ever been able to devise such a rate. The right honourable gentleman announced his intention, rashly I thought, of proposing such a rate ; but he had not an opportunity of bringing it forward. But there are other matters before us that are of a practical character. As far as my duty is concerned, it will be my effort and labour to secure a fulfilment of the pledges given in 1863. I understood those pledges as the right honourable gentleman understands them. I have not forgotten them. I never can forget to the latest day of my life, and I must remember with gratitude, if not with satisfaction, the conduct of the House of Commons at the period when those measures were adopted, and the generosity of the sentiments which they evinced. I must endeavour to answer that conduct, at least by what depends on me ; and I shall

endeavour to answer that conduct by striving to bring the expenditure of the country and its fiscal arrangements into such a shape as will allow the extinction of the Income-tax in 1860." (Cheers)

With regard to the resolutions announced, he will feel that the precise time and mode of bringing them forward must have some reference to the Esti mates. But whenever they are brought forward, at a proper time and in a proper form, they will find in Mr. Gladstone one of their warmest and most determined supporters. Lord PaLmzusrou began by assuring Mr. Gladstone, that if he did not rice after Mr. Disraeli, it was from no want of respect to the House or to Mr. Disraeli—it was more out of respect to Mr. Gladstone, whom he

desired to hear, in order that he might make any remarks that occurred to him on Mr. Gladstones speech. Mr. Disraeli's speech was an instance

of the errors into which men who distinguish themselves in different lines are tempted to fall by indulging on some occasions in a display of talents that have obtained for them eminence in another capacity. The greater part of his speech with reference to foreign policy was a pure romance. "The right honourable gentleman has been spending part of the vacation in Paris. We know that in that great capital are many men who amuse themselves by preying upon the credulity of persons whom they call gobe mouches, or fly-catchers. Well, Sir, what a godsend it was to them to have in their hands, not a common traveller, not a man of ordinary capacity, but the leader of Opposition in the English House of Commons—a man dis tinguished for his ability to express any opinions which might be instilled into his mind, and capable of disseminating to the greatest advantage any

tales, however unfounded, which they might store up in his memory for the purpose of having them communicated to the world." (Much Alter these pleasantries, Lord Palmerston addressed himself first to the Russian treaty. He quite agreed with Mr. Disraeli, that the Government did secure the objects of the war, and without humiliating Russia. But then he complains that there were blunders in the negotiations and a want of geographical knowledge. It would have been better had Mr. Disraeli accepted the solution which had satisfied all parties without raking up these differences. Touching as lightly as he could on the facts respecting the boundary, Lord Palmerston told how at the Conference in 1856 the Ruslitolle produced a Russian map which nobody could read; that then "another map" was produced, and the Russian Plenipotentiaries pointed out Bolgrad-'r aliak as the town they wished to retain. There was no objection, as there were four or five miles of land between that town and Lake Yalpuck. But when the Commissioners came to trace the boundary, the Russians said that the Bolgrad they meant was the Bolgrad on Lake Yalpuck. This led to a long series of communications—England, Austria, and Turkey, maintaining that they could not accept the new Bolgrad ; and at length the Russian Government agreed to the boundary running North of Old Bolgrad. Undoubtedly the final protocol respecting the matter will be laid before Parliament.

The next topic was Switzerland. What the Government did was not to urge on the Swiss, and then advise them to yield: they had declined to recommend the Swiss to release the prisoners unconditionally, and thus lead the Swiss to believe that the King of Prussia would renounce certain rights ever Neuehitel. But when the Swiss Government asked the British Government to join France in persuading the King to renounce his rights, the Swiss undertaking to release the prisoners, then the Government promised to do their best. So that what Mr. Disraeli stated, "doubtless from information obtained during his recent visit to Paris, 111 inconsistent with the course pursued by the Government." We come now to Italy. Mr. Disraeli has had access to archives, and found out treaties of which we never heard, "He announces that there is a secret treaty concluded between the French and Austrian Governments, with the sanction of the Government of England,guaranteeing to Austria her Italian possessions. I am bound to say that this is the first time I ever heard of it. (Cheers.) The right honourable gentleman may have seen such a treaty ; but all I will undertake to say is that we are totally ignorant of it ; and so far from having advised such a treaty, if we had been consulted we should certainly have given our advice in an opposite direction. That treaty is an entire romance, without the slightest foundation—except this, that I believe, in the early part of the war with Russia, when it was a question what line Austria should take, communications passed between the Austrian and French Governments, and I believe the French Government at that time agreed that they would take no part hostile to Austria." With regard to Persia, Mr. Disraeli had said there was some system predetermined by the Government at home. Undoubtedly there was ; and gentlemen opposite were parties to the system ; for they, when in office, like all other Governments who hold the honour of their country as the first object, felt that the safety of our Indian possessions is involved in the annexation of Herat to Persia. Mr. Gladstone asked whether the orders for the expedition to the Persian Gulf went through the Court of Directors. No; they went through the secret committee—the body appointed by law to transact that sort of business. It was the intention of Government to lay papers on the Persian affair before the House, but the Persian Ambassador at Paris, Feruk Khan, has had an interview with Lord Cowley, and, after hearing our demands, has offered to enter on negotiations. .A3 the offer was accepted, it is not fitting to produce papers on a matter under negotiation. Mr. Gladstone thought Parliament should have been called together on account of the intended operations against Persia; but that would have been really a very burlesque on constitutional practice. Mr. Disraeli says that " I have a peculiar talent for creating difficulties and then getting out of them. Well, at least one of those qualities may be set off against the other. If I have a faculty for creating difficulties, and on the other hand a happy knack of getting rid of them, I think those who do me the honour to follow me cannot have much to complain of in the results. (Laughter.) But if I were to consult some honourable Members opposite, they might possibly tell me of some gentleman who has a talent for getting his followers into difficulties, but has not the knack of getting them out again. (Loud laughter.) I think the experience of former sessions must enable even those whose memories are not the most retentive to furnish some examples. (" Hear !") When the right honourable gentleman says we create these difficulties, that is a very pretty figure of speech; but does he mean to say that the Government of England has such command over the Governments of other countries as at will to be able to summon up difficulties, to get them to do something outrageous or in violation of treaty, and then to require reparation, upon a previous understanding that after a certain amount of discussion on both sides they are to give in, and all is to be passed over as though nothing had occurred ? Such would be the play of children; but such is not the way in which public or international affairs are carried on." Mr. Gladstone says, "that such is the reckless character of the Government of which I have the honour to be the head, that we create ten times as many difficulties as any other Government would create. I will not discuss arithmetic with my right honourable friend, who is a great master of all those arts. (Laughter.) But, supposing that in point of numbers we had more difficulties than any other Government, does my right honourable friend forget the greatest difficulty in which this country has been engaged since the year 1815? Does he forget that the most arduous and important war in which England has been involved since that year was brought on by the Government of which he was a member; that it took place at the time he was in office ; that he had the purse-strings in his hand, and had greater power and authority than almost any other member of the Government to put his veto on proceedings which he thought wrong ? My right honourable friend acted an honourable part then, whatever he may say now that he is out of office. As every public-spirited individual would do when responsibility rested upon him, my right honourable friend cast aside all those refinements in which he is now apt to indulge. He saw that the honour of the country was involved, and, although the contest in which they were about to embark was one in regard to which no man could foretell its duration or extent, he flung in his stake with his colleagues. I say., then, my right honourable friend, having acted that manly. part when in office, is not entitled to reproach us for having resisted minor difficulties which have fallen in our way, and which have not been the result of our own conduct." (Cheers.)

With regard to the cession of Ruatan, the Crown can make any cession it is advised to make, but those who give the advice are responsible to Parliament.

Lord Palmerston quite agreed with much that had been said on the public expenditure ; but discussions on the levying of a particular tax are premature; and Mr. Gladstone should wait till he gets his figures before he bases his arguments. Inordinate military establishments would be a great mistake; but the army ought not to be regarded as a mere police force at home : even in the Colonies there must be a nucleus of regular forces for volunteers to rally on. We must maintain the scientific branches and have a force sufficient to protect us at least in the outset from attack'. Government has no interest in proposing_ establishments greater than they think needful for the public service. He gave a parting shot at Mr. Manieli at the end. "I regret to see that the right honourable gentleman opposite has adopted so hastily those points to which I have alluded, which he picked up in Paris from the gossips of the town and which with a little inquiry from those who would give him information 'he might have satisfied himself were unfounded. He would not then have indulged in charges against the Government at variance with the facts of the ease, and unfounded in reality." (Cheers.) Mr. Henry Baillie and Lord John Russell rose together. There were cries for Lord John, but Mr. Ms.u..mis insisted on speaking. All he had to say was to rate Ministers for making war at their will and pleasure without consulting Parliament ; and to observe that the order for the Persian expedition left England while Parliament was sitting.

Lord ions; RUSSELL remarked, that many of Lord Palmerston's explanations were full and satisfactory ; but others were less satisfactory. He expressed surprise that so much asperity should have been shown in the matter of the treaty of Paris ; so much intemperance and feeling with respect to a point so simple. These asperities should give place now to kindly feelings. On the question of Switzerland, he pointed out, that as the matter stands, should the Xing of Prussia not make a complete renunciation of his rights, he may revive them in the event of another insurrection against the de facto "and as I believe de jure Government." Regretting the expedition to Bushire, which may mean a great deal more—for we may be going to fight Persia supported by Russia—he enlarged on the impolicy of approaching closely the real frontiers of India and of Russia. Re thought Russia would be glad to assist us in terminating the war; and that the Shah would agree to a fair agreement respecting Herat, " more intelligible than the strange collection of confused phrases to which Colonel Shell affixed his signature." The greater part of Lord John's speech, however, was taken up with the Italian question.

He was by no means satisfied with what has occurred. Advice, mompanied by a threat, was tendered to the King ; he rejected it ; and many who never respected him before respected him for the spirit he showed on that occasion. "That was the first evil; other evils have followed. The King of Naples was raised in the general estimation, and the Government of Great Britain was proportionately lowered. All the friends of despotism rejoiced, all the extreme friends of revolution rejoiced. Those who mourned were the friends ofjust and constitutional liberty. Such were the practical consequences produced by the course of interference which we have pursued

But is that all ? What has been the state of Naples since? Is it better. than it was before the 8th of April, on -which day Lord Clarendon made his speech in the Conference at Paris ? It has been far worse. Every evil has been aggravated. The King himself has grown more jealous and more sus

picious. The people are so watched that almost every third man in the i street s a spy employed by the Government. The public places are shut up and there is fear in all places of general resort. Persons who have been at Naples, and those who write letters from that city, inform me that they never saw such sorrow, such fear, and such dejection in any city, as they

have seen in that once gay and much-admired city of Naples. This, I am

afraid, is the consequence, and the natural consequence of the kind of interference which has been adopted." It may be said that if the Government of Naples is bad it is at least submitted to by the Neapolitan people. The Government of the Pope is bad, but it is supported by foreign occupation ; and if that foreign occupation were to cease, measures would be taken to have a tolerable Government in the Roman States. A country like Italy should not be left in the state in which it at present is "owing to foreign dominion." The general feeling of the Italian nation, coupled with a declaration from

England, would make Austria confine herself to Lombardy and Venice. The present state of Italy is a danger to Europe as well as a misery to the Italians; and therefore he hoped that our endeavours have not ended by the withdrawal of a Minister from Naples. If England, France, and Sardinia took up the subject in earnest, there would be no danger of war.

On the subject of expenditure, Lord John spoke disapprovingly of Mr. Disraeli's proposed resolutions ; but he advised the Chancellor of the Ex chequer to bring the state of the finances forward at a very early period. He quite agreed with what Lord Palmerston had said respecting our peace establishments. "And perhaps, if I might venture to recall old times and refer to what he said the first time I made a motion in this House, which was in 1816, when I asked the Ministry to withdraw the Estimates and propose reduced ones, and my noble friend, then Secretary for War, stated the grounds why considerable estimates were necessary, I might observe that the reasons he then gave were not very dissimilar from those which he offered tonight, and I have no doubt were perfectly well-grounded. All I should wish to prevent, as far as my vote lies, would be the adoption of any new system with regard to our naval and military estimates." Lord John expressed himself in favour of good moderate establishments. "We have seen in France—I believe almost ever since the accession of Charles the Tenth, and certainly since the accession of Louis Philippe—that that country has been maintaining an immense army and a considerable navy, and every year increasing its debt. We, on the other hand, have been keeping up establishments thought by some persons too great, but which were in fact not very considerable ; we have thus been enabled to secure a surplus revenue, to reduce taxes, and abolish customs-duties which pressed upon the

energies and checked the industry of the people ; we have enabled our population to grow rich, and we have seen in the last war what that wealth was

able to effect; for when our enemy was exhausted and our ally was so far weakened in its finances that its war spirit flagged, the Government of this country found that, owing to our wealth, we had more than sufficient to pay for the large expenditure of the war; and the spirit of our people, if terms of peace had not been accepted, was such that for five, six, or ten years longer, if necessary, we might have made the exertions necessary for war.

Nov these are the things which produce good terminations of wars, and not large and expensive establishments, with generals and admirals growing so

old that they are unfit for their duties when war comes." It, is by " relying on the greatness of the country and on the spirit of our people that you will be most formidable in war, and not by any newfangled system of increased estimates during a time of peace." (Cheers.)

Mr. MILNER GIBSON advocated nonintervention abroad and a liberal policy at home.

At the request of Sir Join; PAIEINGTON, Lord PALMERSTON agreed to alter that part of the Address " approving " of the measures taken in China ; and this having been done, it was unanimously agreed to.

At the Wednesday sitting of the Commons, the report of the Address IFEM brought up by Sir JOHN HAMMEN. Mr. HADFIELD took the oppor

tunity of remarking, that the Address contained no expression of sym pathy with our Colonial fellow subjects. We are dependent on the United States for cotton, while that article could be extensively grown in India if the Government would devote a little attention to the subject —would open a field in which capital might be advantageously employed.

Mr. VERNON SMITH said that the Government have not neglected the growth of cotton. Nothing has been left undone in the way of encouragement. Experiments as to the growth of American cotton in India have generally resulted in failure, and it was his belief that the indigenous plant ought to be cultivated in preference. It is true there is a deficiency of roads ; but the Government have done all they could to promote railways and branch roads in order to facilitate the transmission of produce to the coast. The difficulty of the soil and the magnitude of the expense, however, have prevented the progress of railways in India being as rapid as could be wished.—The report was agreed to.

In the House of Lords, the Address was moved in a spirited speech by the Earl of Coax, and seconded by the Earl of AIRLIE. The debate that ensued did not assume so large proportions as in the Lower House, although the speakers necessarily went over much of the same ground. The policy of the Government, as manifested in the Speech, was attacked from end to end by the Earl of DERBY. Earl GREY made a single point of the Persian war, which he treated at great length and condemned with much force. Lord BROUGHAM, besides Some remarks on foreign questions, expressed himself strongly on the subject of the continuance of the Income-tax. The Earl of Ci.fiaiveeoli made it his business to answer the array of objections marshalled by Lord Derby ; and Earl Ga.ssrviLLE took up and replied to the arguments of Lord Grey. In the main, the argument of Lord DERBY followed the general course of Mr. Disraeli's. On finance, he stood out for the settlement of 1853— the full bona fide execution of the pledge of 1853 alone ought to satisfy Parliament. He remarked that the Queen could hardly refer with unmitigated satisfaction to our foreign relations, unless it be to the importent fact that "her Majesty has concluded a treaty of friendship and commerce with Siam." Touching the treaty of Paris, he seemed to impute the difficulties that arose to a want of clear-sightedness and intelli

gene° on thopart of the Government. As regards Neuchatel, he showed sympathy with the misguided but loyal insurgents; and expounded and applauded his own policy in 1852, as harmless in itself, and likely to preserve the peace of Europe and obtain a settlement of the question. He accused Ministers of encouraging the Swiss to refuse the arbitration of France; • thus interfering with our august ally, and preventing an earlier adjustment of this vexed question. He accused Lord Palmerston of adroitly getting into difficulties and then extricating himself with matchless skill; of encouraging the Italians to expect help ; of keeping the word of promise to the ear of the Sardinians and breaking it to the hope ; of unjustly meddling and interfering in Naples—what have we to do with Naples or Rome ? Admitting that the policy of the Court of Teheran is tortuous and given to falsehood, he condemned the war; and said he should place more faith in the efficacy of Russian influence at

Teheran, in our favour, than in the expedition to the Persian Gulf. It was natural that Russia when at war with Us should inflame Persia against us, but at the present moment the sincere desire of Russia is, not to be involved in another war with this country. There is another point of importance. As the war is unfortunate, so the proclamation of it by the Governor-General of India was unconstitutional, nay, illegal. Treating of the Chinese quarrel, he questioned the validity of the colonial register, as the colonial law ought not to be repugnant to the law of the parent state ; and he censured the course taken by tho British representatives, especially the bombardment of Canton and the indiscriminate slaughter of unoffending citizens. But he declined to move any amendment.

The Earl of CLARENDON thought Lord Derby would have done well to abstain from long and strong vituperation of the Government in the absence of information. Ho gave explanations on the questions of foreign policy referred to in the Speech, substantially the same as the Premier's in the HOILSO of Commons, but with greater fulness. Meeting Lord Derby's accusations respecting interference in Italy, he denied that Sardinia ever asked or received any promise of other kind of aid except pecuniary. aid to enable her to place a large force in the Crimea. No doubt, it is inexpedient and dangerous for one or snore states to interfere in the internal affairs of another; but if ever an exception was justified, it is in the ease of Italy. What we did in Naples amounted to a public protest; and who can say. the two Governments were not acting within the limits of their strict sights? The King has published an amnesty, which will be extended to all who promise submission • and ho has signed a convention with the Argentine Republic enabling prisoners of their own free will to settle in that state. As regards the Penfian war, Lord Clarendon gave a brief account of the causes that led to it—the outrages inflicted on our Mission, and the seizure of Herat. Ho asked the House to dismiss all that has been said in reference to the supposed connexion of a lady with the matter. In consequence of the persecution of the wife of a person under the protection of the British Mission, Mr. Murray left Teheran ; but this rupture was not the cause of tho war. The cause of the war, as he showed by reading correspondence, was the seizure of Herat, and numerous insults offered to the British Mission. Dilating on the importance of Herat, and remarking that Russia believes in the extension of her empire by conquest, Lord Clarendon said that it is for the purpose of maintaining that prestige which after all is the great moral force by which we hold our Indian empire, that her Majesty's Government have most reluctantly been compelled to go be war with Persia. He defended the course taken in China he denied tho accuracy of Lord Derby's description of the bombardment of Canton: he showed the inconveniences of the existing relations with that city: he affirmed that the British Governm-ent has only done what is necessary for the interests of all, and that the American officers have been instructed to support us. Ho hoped that by standing by our flag we should successfidly settle the dispute, and lay the foundation of a great extension of our trade with China.

Earl GREY held that the war with Persia is indefensible ; that a simple violation of a treaty is not a sufficient warrant for war ; that Persia had a right to go to war with Herat if she chose—who gave us the right to interfere ? We have no right to dictate to independent states the course they shall pursue in relation to others. Whether right or not, it is inexpedient to go to war. We have no Asiatic power to fear in India. A Russian invasion of India, even with the aid of Persia, is a bugbear. But granting that invasion is not distant, then the policy on which we have acted is still more erroneous. If Russia is likely to wield the power of Central Asia against us, then surely, first of all, we should be on good terms with Persia; but these proceedings at Bushire will not be forgotten for many a year. \Vhat resource has Persia, but to throw herself into the arms of Russia ? Our interest is to create in Persia a great and powerful state,—a thing impossible if Herat remain independent. It is bad policy to attempt to regulate the affairs of the Central Asian States. Then this Persian war is not merely an Indian war, it is a British war ; yet Ministers did not do what was their duty—call Parliament together, and give it an opportunity of expressing its judgment—proelain war, in fact, in the usual way. He would not ask the House to condemn the war but he could not consent to words implying approval ; and he proposed to substitute for the paragraphs relating to the Persian war the following paragraph " Humbly to inform her Majesty, that, while we deeply deplore the occurrence of circumstances which have led to hostilities between her Majesty and the Shah of Persia, we also feel it to be our duty very respectfully to express our regret, that when her Majesty's servants advised her Majesty to give orders for the invasion of Persia by a British force, they did not at the same time advise her Majesty to call her Parliament together, so that Parliament might have learnt without delay that the nation was about to be involved in war, and might have had an opportunity of humbly submitting to her Majesty any advice it might have judged such an occasion to require." 1 G ruarrirmz advanced counter-arguments against Lord Grey, tending to justify the war and the mode of proclaiming it adopted by the Government. Respecting Russia, he said— "I believe that at the present moment—and I am more justified than most other persons in saying this—it is not the intention of the Russian Government to take any such steps, and that their anxious desire is that this matter should be arranged as speedily as possible. Bat this does not affect the question of future contingencies." Lord BROUGHAM protested against the notion that it is the vocation of this country to intermeddle in foreign affairs. England has no more right to plant Parliamentary governments all over Europe than the French of 1792 had to plant republics all around them. On the Incometax he called up a reminiscence of bygone times— It might be said the necessity for the tax had not yet ceased; but he remembered that, in 1816, when he waged war against the tax, the Estimates were brought down to the House framed in the usual way, the King's Speech having promised the utmost economy consistent with the offielency of the public service. After six weeks' campaign, the Incometax was reduced by 14,000,000/. or 15,000,0001., and the Chancellor of the Exehequer abandoned the war Malt-tax of some 3,000,0001. A sum of 18,000,000/. was thus withdrawn from the Supply; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer prepared an amended set of estimates framed on the principle of cutting lie coat according to his cloth. On a division, Lord Grey's amendment was negatived by 45 to 12; and the Address was agreed to.

THE PERSIAN AND CHINESE WARS.

Questions were put in the House of Lords on Thursday bearing on the war with Persia and the affair at Canton.

The Earl of Emittenonouou asked, whether any despatch would be laid on the table authorizing Sir John Bowring to take advantage of any favourable opportunity for urging the Chinese authorities to observe the treaty and admit foreigners into Canton? The Earl of CLARENDON said, no specific instructions on that head were given to Sir John Bowring, but that in his general instructions he was told to bear in mind the desirableness of obtaining free access to Canton.

"When Sir John Bowring arrived at his post, he communicated his arrival to the Imperial Commissioner, and requested an interview with him in Canton. That interview, however, was refused, and the only despatch addressed to Sir John Bowring upon that subject was one in which. the Government approved the measures he had taken upon that occasion. No in. structions have been sent to him since, although Sir John Bowring has constantly represented the inconvenience resulting from a want of direct communication with the Chinese authorities."

In reply to a further question, Lord CLARENDON said that he did not intend to make any motion on the subject. The Earl of MALHESBURY complained that a course different from the practice of preceding Governments is followed now. When Sir George Bonham was on leave of absence in this country, he said that it would be no benefit, but rather the reverse, to insist on our right of admission; as, if the English entered Canton, they would be exposed to insults from that barbarous and prejudiced population. Some of the despatches sent home in 1862-'63 would serve as antidotes to those of Sir John Bowring. Lord CLARENDON replied, that he had not the least objection to furnish the papers indicated. If he remembered rightly, Lord Malmesbury had directed Sir John Bowring to confine himself strictly to the maintenance of the status quo. ("Hear, hear !" from Lord Afalmesbury.) Earl GREY' satisfied with the promise of the papers, hoped they would extend as far back as the original treaty ; for the controversy was by no means a new one. He begged especially to hope, that among them would be included a despatch which he had himself written, after consultation with the late Duke of Wellington, dated the 24th November 1847, which strictly prohibited offensive operations being undertaken by the local authorities without reference to the Government at home.

On the Persian question, the Earl of DPMET inquired when the papers would be produced. Lord CLARENDON said, they are ready, but delayed in consequence of the negotiations pending at Paris. Lord DERBY thought that an insufficient reason. The only papers asked for are those which illustrate the motives of Government in entering on war, and the mode of proclaiming war. For his own part, he was struck by the powerful statement of Lord Grey, and disposed to concur in the general principles he laid down.

LAW REFORM.

Before the division on Lord Grey's amendment to the Address was taken, the LORD CHANCELLOR stated more in detail what law measures it is intended should be introduced.

The first subject to which the Government had directed the attention of the House was the reform of the Ecclesiastical Courts. On that day week, he should ask their Lordships' leave to introduce three bills—one for the reform of Testamentary Jurisdiction, another to amend the laws of Marriage and Divorce, and a third on the subject of Church Discipline. The Attorney-General would also, as soon as possible, ask for leave to introduce into the other House a bill to render criminal Breaches of Trust, of which there had unfortunately been so many instances of late. Some time ago, a Coinmission was issued to inquire into the subject of the registration of lands ; that Commission had not yet reported, though he had reason to know that it had prepared the draughts of two bills to be laid before Parliament on the subject. In the mean time, it was his intention to ask the Legislature to effect a minor reform in the same direction—to render extremely simple mortgages of land by means of registration. There is at work at the present moment a Commission for the Consolidation of the Statute Law : nobody unacquainted with the subject could comprehend half the difficulties which beset it, but the Conimiasion has succeeded in consolidating the whole Criminal Law, and bills similar to those which he laid on the table on the last day of the previous session will be introduced for the purpose of effecting that consolidation. He should also ask their Lordships to refer the Second Report of that Commission to a Select Committee, in order to consider the proposition in that report for the adoption of means to improve the manner and language of current legislation. The Member who introduces a bill is generally so glad to have it passed that he consents without difficulty to any alteration that is proposed in it; and the result is that, when the measure becomes the law, its various provisions are found not to dovetail together. Moreover, the language of the statutes is frequently discrepant, leading to uncertainty as to the meaning. What the Government, therefore, propose is, that there should be an officer appointed, who should be a very able lawyer, and whose duties would be to report, when called upon, on every bill introduced for the alteration of the law ; to explain exactly what its effect is, what is its bearing on the existing law, and generally to put the whole statute in order : further, after a bill has gone through Committee the House should refer it, when thought fit, to this officer to examine and state the alterations it has undergone in passing that ordeal, and also to point out how far those alterations affect its general tenor. Of course, this officer would have it in his power to offer suggestions for improving the language of an act; and it is to be hoped that the result will be to render our statutes more clear, less verbose, and more in harmony with the common feelings and understand gs of mankind Another part of the same officer's duties will be to classify the various acts passed within the year. His functions would, of course, be at first extremely tentative; but, no doubt, as they become gradually more defined, they would prove highly useful. Before concluding, it was right also to mention, that the Home Secretaryintends-to introduce a measure into the other House on the subject of Secondary Punishments.

THE HODSON'S BAY MONOPOLY.

Mr. Lanotrennan moved, on Thursday, for a Select Committee "to consider the state of those British Possessions in North America which are under the administration of the Hudson's Bay Company, or over which they have a licence to trade." Those vast possessions lie beyond the limits of the Canadas, stretch from the waters of Hudson's Bay to the Pacific, and include Vancouver's Island. Extensive portions are suited only to hunting; but there are large districts rich in soil and minerals, and others, from situation, valuable to commerce. For a long time the authority over those regions was divided between the Hudson's Bay Company and the North-west Companies, but more recently these companies amalgamated. The tenure of the Hudson's Bay Company in Rupert's Land rests on a charter granted in 1670 by Charles the Second. The claim under that charter had been investigated by the Crown under Lord Grey's administration of the Colonies; and on the statement of the Company the then Law-officers were of opinion that the claim was good. But the Company has a right of trading over far more valuableland— the district West of the Rocky Mountains called British Oregon. That right is held under &licence which expires in 1859. The Company's lease of Vancouver's Island, granted by Lord Grey, expires in 1859. Under these circumstances, it is necessary that the subject should receive the fullest consideration, and the Company itself is anxious that the whole subject shall be thoroughly investigated. On the whole, he thought the rule of the Company has been beneficial to the native population. They have maintained discipline among their servants, and restrained the sale of ardent spirits among the Indians. But he doubted whether a trading company could or would encourage colonization. Mr. ROEBUCK said that the Colonial Minister might have taken a shorter course since general principles which apply to the question might have enabled him to legislate without specific inquiry. A fur company is opposed to colonization. They have kept their territories a solitude, and have done all they could to increase the numbers of bears, wolves, and foxes, and prevent the increase of man. What he desired to see was the clearing of forests and the draining of morasses, which would render the country habitable and the climate temperate. There is a country between the St. Lawrence and Hudson's Bay, as large as Europe, where a great nation might be created, which would prevent the preponderance of the United States. Even supposing the Company's charter good, the House will find it difficult to uphold the rights of the Company in opposition to the interests of humanity. Mr. ADDERLEY said, the real question is, whether this extensive region shall continue to belong to the Queen, or be annexed to the -United States. England must open it, or it will open itself. The Company's charter has no validity ; but if it were valid, it cannot be maintained in opposition to the rights and interests of mankind. They must free the country from the grasp of the Hudson's Bay Company, and hand it over, not to the Colonial Office, but to Canada. Mr. E. ELLICE defended the Hudson's Bay Company's right and its rule. As a proof that it is beneficial, he said that while the Indians in the United States are decreasing, they are actually increasing in British territory. Mr. GLADSTONE approved of the method of dealing with the subject first by a Committee. It is not only an error but almost a scandal that we have so long neglected this duty. The Committee must consider two questions,—the validity of the Company's title, and the expediency of continuing to the Company the government of these vast territories. It is material to the interests of the country to know whether the charter of Charles the Second is or is not valid. So far as he had looked into the history and the documents bearing on the case—it was years ago'— that history is not favourable to the legality of the title.

"The charter was granted in the year 1670; and an important part of its provisions was that the Company should make exertions to discover a new passage into the South Sea. All those expeditions which have been made by the adventurous navigators of England during the nineteenth century, at an enormous cost to this country, ought by rights to have been paid for out of the revenues of the Hudson's Bay Company. It was the discovery of a new passage into the South Sea which was the moving consideration with Charles the Second, and even the Government of his day, when they committed those exclusive privileges to that company. The Hudson's Bay Company having obtained the privileges, entirely forgot the great object of the North-west passage, and left to others the duty of conducting that matter and of paying for it. My honourable friend [Mr. Ellice] is not right when he speaks of this title as one which has inured with lapse of time and has passed without question from generation to generation. The charter was granted in 1670. In 1690 an act of Parliament was passed, from the terms of which there arises a very strong presumption of the invalidity and illegality of that charter. It is called, 'An Act for confirming to the Governor and Company trading to Hudson's Bay their privileges and trade.' The preamble recites pretty nearly the terms of the charter, and then proceeds to state that the Governor and Company have gone to great expense in the prosecution of the objects of the charter. The act then provides that the powers conferred by the charter shall be valid, and that the Company shall be a body corporate. Even the phraseology ofOhe act indicates the suspicion of its framers that at that period the charter was not worth the parchment on which it was written; because it says, that 'the immunities, privileges, and powers,' and so forth, shall be allowed and given, which were thereby given, granted, or demitted, or mentioned to be given, granted, or demitted, to the said company.' You will say that made the company a body corporate and settled the whole question. Very far from it; for the last words of the act are, Provided always that this act shall continue to be in force for the time of seven years from this, and to the end of the next session of Parliament, but no longer.'" If the charter was not questioned last century, it was because the affairs of the company, paralyzed by monopoly, were a perfect bagatelle. But when the North-west Company,had pierced into the country and established stations which for the last forty years have done a great trade, then it became -worth while to inquire into this charter. Opinions of eminent counsel were taken, and those of Lord Brougham and Mr. Sergeant Spankie were unfavourable to the legality of the charter. But the two companies coalesced, much to their own satisfaction. He:trusted that the question of the charter would be submitted to a judicial tribunal, and that the other questions will be fully investigated. He entertained, he said, the strongest opinions as to the prudence and expediency of intrusting to the Hudson's Bay Company, or to any „company whatever, the exclusive government of this vast territory.

After some furtherconversation, ISir. LABOIICHPRE said that his desire had only been to bring the matter impartially before the House, and he was glad the course of the Government had met with general approval.—Motion agreed to.

Timisrs-or-Leavz.

Lord BERNERS moved for returns of a comprehensive nature relating to the operation of the ticket-of-leave system. In the course of conversation, Lord CAMPBELL Said the real question was—should they or should they not, return to transportation ? The Crovernment must take into their serious consideration the absolute necessity of returning to transportation, if security is to be extended to her Majesty's peaceable subjects; and nothing but the assurance given by the noble Earl that a measure on this subject is in contemplation, and about to be introduced into the other House, could at all quiet the alarm now so justly felt by the public.—Returns ordered.

Lord DUNGANNON has given notice, that on Monday he will ask whether her Majesty's Government proposes to make any alteration in the system of tickets-of-leave to convicts, and whether a return to the system of transportation to any of our distant or rising colonies is contemplated.

In the House of Commons, Mr. MONCKTON MILERS has given notice, that on the motion for the appointment of a Select Committee to consider the system of Secondary Punishments, he will move as an amendment, that the Select Committee which sat last year upon the subject of Transportation be reappointed, and instructions given to it to inquire into and report upon the best means of procuring temporary employment for discharged prisoners.

LORD CARDIGAN AND THE " STAFF-OFFICER."

The Earl of CARDIGAN brought forward a personal question on Thursday. His character had been maligned in a work published under the Cognomen of a " Staff-Officer " who is in reality Major the Honourable Somerset Calthorpe. Formerly, a man could defend his character by an appeal to the laws of honour. The great Duke of Wellington Pitt, Fox, Canning, Sir Robert Peel, had recourse to this remedy. my Lords, have been more unfortunate than they were, because, in following their example, I have been placed at your Lordships' bar to be tried as a felon, and have stood in danger of losing not only my personal property but even my personal liberty." But the law regarding duelling is now much more stringent and severe than it was then. The course he had adopted was to apply first to the Commander-in-chief to bring the officer to a court-martial : the Duke of Cambridge declined to do so, on the ground that it would be inconvenient. Next, he applied through a friend to Major Calthorpe, asking him to withdraw the misrepresentations: Major Calthorpe, admitting that two of the statements were untrue, refused to withdraw them, " on the plea of inconvenience to himself and his publisher." Now, said Lord Cardigan, after having received the approbation of Lord Raglan, and the thanks of Parliament—" after all this, IS it right or proper that a junior officer holding a Staff appointment should be permitted, two years afterwards, with impunity to malign my professional character ? I ask, whether an officer who has thus disgraced himself, by publishing a statement containing allegations so gross and so utterly devoid of a vestige of truth, should be allowed longer to draw even half-pay from the public purse, and should be permitted to continue to hold an honourable post upon the Staff of the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland."

Lord PANMURE made the following reply to this interrogation " Owing to the general terms of the notice which was given by the noble Earl who has just sat down, I was unable to do more than to guess at the nature of the question which he was about to put to me ; and I must be permitted, now that I have heard it, to express my regret at the practice which is growing up of making either House of Parliament a court of appeal upon points of discipline respecting the administration of the army. I cannot, however, find fault with the noble Earl for availing himself of his privilege as a Peer of Parliament to refute in this public manner the accusations which I cannot but say have been most wantonly brought against his military character ; but I think that, while he was conscious of being in possession of the approval of Loqi Raglan for his distinguished and gallant conduct in the Crimea, he might well have afforded to pass by in silence the remarks of one so inferior in rank and judgment to the gallant officer under whom the noble Earl served. More especially might he have done so, I think, when he considered that he was armed also with a document which showed that he had received the thanks of this and the other House of Parliament. Although the noble Earl charges a particular officer with being the writer of the book to which he has referred-, let me remind him, that, as far as the authorities at the Horse Guards are acquainted with the facts, that book was written under an anonymous signature. The Commanderin-chief, (who would have been present in his place today had he not been in attendance on her Majesty,) upon receiving an application from the noble Earl to redress through the means of a court-martial the injury which he had sustained from that book, stated that he did not conceive that it was his province to take notice of anonymous military publications, because such a precedent once established would lead to inevitable confusion in the administration of the discipline of the army; and that moreover it appeared to him, as it appears to me, that the noble Earl had a recourse open to him by an appeal to the civil courts of the country, whereby he might have obtained reparation for the defamation of his character. 'The noble Earl has stated the reasons why he did not adopt another course in vindication of his honour, and why he did not appeal to what he called the 'law of honour.' My Lords, I think that he was perfectly right in making no such appeal ; and I am sure that the sooner such a law is abrogated entirely the better it will be for the profession and for society at large. I think, under all the circumstances, that the only answer I can give the noble Earl is to say, that it is not the intention of the Commander-in-chief to bring the officer who is supposed to be the author of the work in question to a court-martial ; and I *odd strongly recommend the noble Earl to rest upon the high testimonials which he has in his possession to refute the injustice to which he has been subjected." Torun OFFICERS.

Mr. Lasoncirene has brought in a bill enabling subjects of the Ionian State to hold commissions in her Majesty's naval and military services. The matter had been brought to his notice by the circumstance of a young man of good family and character, a native of those islands, wishing to enter the military service of this country. The Commander-inchief was willing to grant him a commission ; but the Law-officers of the Crown, upon being consulted, were Of opinion that it would be illegal in the present state of the law.

MOTIONS ON SUPPLY NIGHTS.

-Mr. W. Wimams moved that "notices of motion on going into Committee of Supply should have precedence only on alternate days." He remarked, that the privilege of making motions on Supply nights has been so abused, that "countless millions" of the public money are voted at unreasonable hours. He understood the Government would support his motion. It was seconded by Mr, Wigs. Sir Gsoncin GREY was at a loss to know on whose authority Mr. Williams asserted that Government would support him. The privilege is sometimes abused, but it is still an ancient and valuable privilege, and Government could not assent to deprive the House of it.—Motion withdrawn.

NORFOLK ISLAND.

Mr. Lanoncninin has brought in a bill to alter the existing provisions relating to the Ecclesiastical Government of Norfolk Island. It appears that when the civil government of Norfolk Island was transferred from Tasmania to New South Wales, the transfer of the ecclesiastical government WM omitted. The bill is to remedy that defect. Norfolk Island is now purged of convicts, and inhabited by the Pitcairn Islanders,

TE7. NEW FOUEST COMMONERS.

The Earl of M.simasisinly, in movin,,r yeturns, complained of tho conduct of certain Commissioners sent down to adjudge the claims of commoners in the Now Forest. He had, in November last, complained to them of the delay in investigating his own and other claims ; and the Commissioners had replied by saying that they did not recognize in any man the right to address them in the manner Lord Malmesbury had thought fit to assume. He also complained generally of the conduct of the Commission.

The LORD CHANCELLOR and Lord CAMPBELL vindicated the proceedings of the Commissioners, while admitting that they had misunderstood Lord Malmesbury's C letter, to which they had given an uncalled-for and an angry reply. The LoHA.NCELLOR said, the Commissioners had expressed their regret that they had misunderstood the letter.—Returns ordered.

THE VACANT JUDGESHIP.

In reply to Mr. GLADSTONE, Sir GEORGE GREY said that it is not intended to keep open the vacancy in the Court of Exchequer pending tho inquiries of the Commission as to whether any changes could be made consistently with economy and the public convenience, whereby a reduction in the number of judges could be made. At the present time, Sir George was informed, to keep open the vacancy caused by the death. of Baron Alderson would lead to great public inconvenience.