LIFE UNDER A TYRANNY 1 11,—I agree with Professor Harvey that
the fact that persons wing under a totalitarian regime may be largely or wholly unaware FT they are living under a tyranny does not prove that no tyranny xists, and I further agree with him that all tyrannies, in so far as they exist, are evil. On the other hand, if Prof. Harvey had ever inhelf lived as a rebel under a political tyranny, he would be aware hat the gulf which divides the supporter of a tyrannical government 'I'm the political rebel and victim is infinitely wider, deeper and ore real in every sense than that which divides the supporter of tyrannical government—or even the person indifferent to political sues who is living under its rule—from the individual who is Ioying the freedom of a true democracy. Only an impartial and observant neutral who has lived biotic in many and in Britain since the British Government, under the ressure of war conditions, assumed a totalitarian character, could y to what extent a tyrannical spirit is now more widely developed the one country than in the other. I certainly know of many dividual citizens in this country who now display towards nscientious objectors a vicious, persecuting spirit, not only as bad that displayed by some Germans towards Jews but also consider-
ably more inexcusable, seeing that the average conscientious objector, who is usually some kind of idealist, endowed with principle, is a much less provocative person than the average Jew or, lest I be suspected of anti-Semitic prejudice, I would add, the average Gentile who is not also a conscientious objector.
In regard to the treatment of political prisoners, I can see no great difference between the policies of the Governments of Britain and Germany. ft is understandable that in war our Government should feel obliged to claim unusual powers for the arrest of suspected persons and that, where military secrets are involved, the trial of such persons should not take place in public. There is, however, no reason why such an enormously high percentage of the political prisoners should be entirely innocent of any propensity to assist a German invasion ; should in almost every respect be subjected to all the hardships of condemned criminals ; and should be denied proper legal assistance and a fair trial, followed by release with adequate compensation, if it has been discovered that the arrest was unjustified. It is, moreover, absolutely monstrous that those making charges against the victims of the 18 B Regulation should not be compelled to appear for cross-examination. It is not necessary that, in order to protect the country from enemy action and the activities of traitors, the Home Office should assume the character and powers of the Court of Star Chamber.
I have heard the story of German children being encouraged to spy on their parents but until it is confirmed from reliable sources as being a general practice, I shall consider it a good example of propaganda-dope. Trustworthy friends who visited Germany shortly before the war found no evidence of it and a Nazi official whom I once questioned on the matter gave what seemed to me a very logical and convincing reply. He said that the aim of the German Government was to build up, from the bottom, a solid loyalty to the State ; the first unit in the process of building being the family. What chance would there be of unity and solidarity in a family when its members were encouraged to report one another to the police?
—Yours very truly, BEDFORD. Cairnsmore, Newton Stewart, Wigtownshire.
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