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RELATIONSHIP COUNSELLING
Does the special relationship, despite its status as a touchstone of British foreign Policy, deserve such careful handling? It may be that it would be in Britain's interest to support and participate in military action against Saddam Hussein. But is the need to nurture our rapport with the United States reason enough, on its own, to risk British lives? There is no doubt that a close alliance with the world's sole remaining Superpower is a valuable asset to a small island nation in an uncertain world. Ameri- ca, however, is often inclined to forget or neglect its end of the bargain when it no longer needs our support for some foreign adventure.
In time of peace, it is to Germany that American leaders travel first when visiting Europe. Chancellor Kohl, they argue, leads the European Union. Britain, they believe, Should drop its reservations and commit itself as soon as possible to this powerful geographical and political grouping. Their view of Europe, however, is a historical hangover, a legacy of the 1950s when the European Economic Community was formed. At that time, the United States of America conceived a united Europe as the second pillar of the anti-communist alliance, a continental bulwark between the Land of the Free and the Red menace.
Also, in the 1950s Europe was committed to free trade and market economics. Still weakened by the war, Europeans needed the military and economic support of America, the world's greatest free market Power. The new German state's economy was founded on the free trade principles of Ludwig Erhard, minister for economic affairs under Konrad Adenauer. Americans could be forgiven for believing that a Euro- pean federation would espouse the same economic values as its counterpart across the Atlantic.
Times change. Europe's approach to eco- nomic policy has changed with them. France and Germany, the prime movers in the European Union, flirt with protection- ism. Trade disputes with the United States are already common and France often insists on Europe's negotiators taking a more protectionist line. A deeper Euro- pean Union, far from being committed to free market capitalism, could easily be the catalyst that sparks a catastrophic interna- tional trade war. Americans should recog- nise that today Germany and its federal European dream are threats to America.
In Britain, by contrast, the success of Margaret Thatcher's reforms has forced even the Labour party to recognise the effectiveness of markets and the dangers of state intervention. In peacetime, as in time of war, the United Kingdom is the best ally for America in Europe. When President Clinton meets Mr Blair he should urge him, for America's sake, to delay closer union with a probably protectionist European state. He should promise our Prime Minis- ter that when the current crisis is over his large superpower will not forget our small, but significant support.
Despite being named after Peter Rab- bit, that lovable bunny, Peter Mandelson simply cannot resist the opportunity to kick an opponent should he find him on the floor. So the Tory party, whose habit of tripping over its political shoelaces has so far undermined its attempts to find its feet as an opposition, should not be surprised to find Mandy attacking them, as he did this week, for their failure to hold the govern- ment to account. He simply could not pass up the chance to pose as the saviour of par- liamentary democracy while delivering a solid sideswipe to the hapless William Hague.
It must, however, have required all of his legendary self-confidence for a man famous for his rare appearances in the Commons, and for regarding his own back-bench MPs as an irritating obstacle to the efficient pro- cess of government, to pen such a paean to the parliamentary process. Nor does his principal point — that the Tories have failed to engage the government on the great issues of health, education and wel- fare — stand up to scrutiny. When Labour reveal their proposals on these subjects, presumably the Conservatives will discuss them. Mr Mandelson might do well to con- sider that Parliament has the constitutional roots to survive the poor Tory perfor- mance, as well as his own attentions. By contrast, the institution with which he is most closely identified — the soundbite may prove to be more short-lived.
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