NEWS OF THE WEEK.

Illiweek has been singularly dull, as Christmas week, to cople not fond of pantomimes, almost invariably is. Of the few incidents reported. only one has been of a pleasant kind,—a slight redaction in the superficial extent ot Lanca- shire distress. It is premature to exult, but the number of 'claimants for relief has unquestionably diminished, the prices of cotton and cotton goods are rapidly approaching a natural proportion, and two or three manufacturers have sum- moned their hands to work. The relief cannot be great, us the demand will be limited by the excessive price, but it affords a hope that the worst of the crisis is past.

The incident of the week is the action reported to have begun on the bank of the Rappahannock. It was com- menced by General Burnside, who, on the 10th December, attempted to lay two pontoon bridges across the river. The attempt failed, the enemy's fire being too severe ; but a second, raade on the following morning, succeeded, and the Federals entered Fredericksburg, which had been almost destroyed by their shells. There they appear to have remained during the 12th, occupied chiefly in crossing the remainder of the armyr while General Lee' recalling his outposts from the bank, awaited the attack behind " six lines of works." On the 13th, however, some 49,000 men having crossed, General Reynolds, commanding the Federal right wing, attacked the Confederate batteries, but was repulsed. leaving been re- inforced, he again advanced, but was again driven back—this time it would seem, with considerable loss. On the left, General Franklin was more successful, compelling the Con- federates to retire, and maintaining his ground when they renewed the attack. On the 14th all was quiet, but it was expected that the engagement would be renewed on the 15th, and the Confederates were said to be throwing shells into the town. This account is transmitted to Cape Race by Federal officials, and must be accepted as on the whole, unfavourable to the North. The most important point, the shelling of Fredericksburg by the Confederates, is still uncertain. If it is true, the enemy must have advanced their batteries at least two miles nearer to the town, and have become, in fact, the attacking party.

La Francs is indignant at the number of anecdotes circulated of the Emperor's visit to Ferri5res, declares they are all un- true, and then vouches for another by far the worst of all. The Emperor planted a cedar to commemorate his visit, and asked when it would reach its full growth. "Sire," said the Baron Rothschild, "the tree will not grow so long as your dynasty." The Baron plays his now part well. That is pre- cisely the speech Mordecai would have made to Ahasuerus.

The Scotch Courts have decided on appeal in favour of Mrs. Yelverton and the case is now sent to the House of Lords. It has been going on now for four years, and has been the subject of three decisions, two in the lady's favour and one against her claim. It will probably have the effect which all such great suits have,—to ruin all the litigants, and produce a reform in the law.

The Government of India has, it is said, resolved to con- struct an international telegraph of its own. The whole European system of lines is connected with Constantinople ; the whole Indian system terminates at Rurrachee, and it remains to connect those two points. This will be effected by extending a line from Constantinople to Bagdad, thence by the Arabian frontier to Bushire, and thence through a sub-. marine cable to Kurrachee. The contract for the cable has been given to Mr. Henley, of North Woolwich; Sir Charles Bright and Mr. Latimer Clarke have been appointed electric engineers; and Col. Patrick Stewart has been selected as general superintendent. The cable is to be laid down next November, and the line, if possible, opened by let January, 1864.

The appointment of Colonel Stewart is almost a guarantee for the success of this experiment. An exceedingly young officer for his rank, he is notorious in India for personal daring, for unvarying success, and for a habit of getting killed. In 1858 he accompanied Lord Clyde as Director- General of Telegraphs into Gude, and however fast tho Commander-in-Chief might march, by evening the elec- tric telegraph, as Mr. Russell has testified, was ready in his tent to communicate with Calcutta. One day Lord Clyde received a message from the Viceroy, running thus—"Do not let Pat Stewart be killed. He cannot be replaced." Raising his eyes, he saw the subject of the message sneaking out of camp, rifle in hand, as a volunteer on a particularly dangerous expedition. Ho was brought back. "Confound you, sir," said the chief; " what have you to do there ? If you're killed, sir, by George, I'll arrest you!" Once carried off..by a tiger, once ripped up by a bear, once pronounced dead of cholera, Colonel Stewart has seen snore, done more, and dared more than most men of twice his age, and has in India the reputation of making a habit of success.

The Northern journals are full of rumours of coming political change. According to one account the Southerners have proposed to return if the North will accept their debt, and pass a new fugitive slave law ; but this is improbable. According to another Mr. Lincoln intends to induce Congress to split California into three states, and admit three of the territories at once thus giving the Free States the power of changing the constitution by a three-fourths vote. The plan seems to require too much time, but it is admitted on all hands that President Lincoln refuses distinctly to "obey the popular will," and that his policy, such tur it is, remains un- changed by the recent elections. There is a tendency, moreover, observable in Democratic papers to increased bitter- ness against the South, as if the party had discovered the futility of their hopes of a peaceful reconciliation.

The speeches in the Spanish Cones on the invasion of Mexico have excited much irritation in Paris. The Govern- ment have even demanded " explanations" on account of words attributed to M. Calderon Collantes, and assured France through the medium of the Moniteur that they have been exceedingly satisfactory. M. Collantes' offence appears to have been a statement that France had no "right" to proceed in Mexico without Spain and England, but the key to the sen- sitiveness of the Tuileries is to be found in the extreme dislike of the Emperor to an "isolated position" in any of his expodi.

tione, and his daily augmenting sense of the difficulties of his self-imposed task. It seems certain that the army in Mexico, in spite of official denials, is greatly harassed by sickness.

The case of Mr. Hudson versus, Sir Frederick Slade and other Benchers of the Middle Tem.Ple has been running on *11 through the week. A. letter in the Daiy News charges us with prejudging it, which is the reverse of the truth. We expressly stated that the hearing of Friday week produced only Mr. Hudson's ex parts case, and that the im- pression created by it, which we described, might be broken down by the defendants. This, to a very considerable extent, it was. Three important issues were raised : first, whether the book seized by Mr. Hudson was his own property at all, containing, as it did, a greater proportion of official letters by the officers of the Gold Mining Company, to which he and Mr. Digby Seymour belonged, than of his own letters; secondly, whether the Benchers personally assaulted Mr. Hudson, or only through their porters; and, lastly, whether ho had ever been accused of theft, or only of taking the book unlawfully. On all these points the evidence did not support Mr. Hudson's statement, and it seems clearly proved that no Bendier personally touched him, and that none, except, per- haps, Sir Frederick Slade, used to him any violent or abusive language. Mi. Rodwell, Q.C., on cross-exa- mination, is reported to have said : "I did not see Sir Frederick Slade take hold of him by the collar, or hear him say 'Damn it, I will have it.' I think some one said it. I cannot—' nor any other man'—pledge myself to the con- versation." This allusion to a London comic song cowed great merriment in Court, and had to be explained to the Lord Chief Justice. It expresses, however, the general character of the evidence. Neither Mr. Rodwell "nor any other man" gave a very dear account of the scene, over which there still bangs a kind of haze. The Sam Weller of the trial was Mr. Bye, the porter, a very acute old colour sergeant of formidable proportions of whom the whole Court evidently stood in awe,—the

proportions, Justice going out of his way to speak to

character, and the counsel for the plaintiff apologising pro- fusely and almost abjectly for an insinuation thrown out by Mr. Collier that he was a pugilist. Mr. Collier, in fact, was completely defeated by Mr. Bye. "What were Mr. Hudson's hands about when you had hold of him ?" Mr. Bye : "Most likely punching me about the ribs ; but I cannot swear that he struck ins more than once." "What, don't you observe when you are being punched in the ribs ?" Mr. Bye : No, not particularly." " What ! are you a pugilist?" Mr. Bye: "I have no pretensions, sir, to such bladcguardism." Had you not your arms round his waist ?" Mr. Bye: "Not that I know of." " Have you heard what the Under-Treasurer said about that ?" Mr. Bye: "Are you going to cross-examine me about his evidence or mine ?' After that Mr. Collier gave in, and the Court indulged, as we have said, in lavish testimo- nials to Mr. Bye. The charge of the Chief Justice, given on Wednesday, though it reflected slightly on the undignified conduct of the Middle Temple Benchers, gave a very strong statement of the defendants' ease, and the trial at last straggled off into its natural issue, a divided jury and no verdict. It will serve, we think, to discredit the Benchers' Court with the public' but not to discredit any one Bencher. Mr. Hudson has been almost knocked down by the recoil of his own gun.

The Commission intrusted with the task of adding more to the already superfluous evidence on the convict question is to consist of Earl Grey, Lord Naas, Lord Cranworth, Lord Chelmsford, Sir John Pakington, M.P., Mr. Walpole, Kr.,

Mr. Henley, M.P., Mr. Bouverie, the Chief Justice (Sir A. Cockburn), Mr. Waddington, the Recorder of London (Mr. Russell Gurney), the O'Connor Don, and Mr. Childers, M.P. What can the commission do that the Committees of the House of Commons have failed to do ? The task of the members is stated to be to "inquire into the operation of the Acts relating to transportation and penal servitude, and into the manner in which sentences of transportation and of penal servitndc have been and are carried into effect." Lord Grey was, when last in office a vigorous though rational transportationist, but the representation of Australian feeling on the subject by Mr. Childers, M.P. for Pontefract, and for six years a member of the Government of Victoria, will prevent onesidednees in this direction, and Lord Grey's intellect is, we hope, too sound to cling to a forlorn hope.

Sir Walter Crofton is doing good service by repeated appeals to the understanding of the country, which is less preoccupied

than formerly by the indolent wish to export the worst crime somewhither, in order to rid ourselves of it. This week he has repealed in Bristol the very successful effort he made last week in Liverpool. The -Very Rev. the Dean of Bristol took the chair. The address was, as usual, eminently practical and vigorous, and quite destitute of doctrinaire bias.. Sir Walter Crofton showed that he was anxious for facilities: of transportation, but that we do not now use all that we have- in Western Australia, and that we do not use them in the- right way. Exile should be the reward of the most promising; among the long-sentenced convicts, not the penalty of the.

moat hopeless. Western Australia will long continue to. take convicts at all if we turn it into the dung-heap of Anglo- Saxon humanity. He then went over, line upon line an& precept upon precept, the practical results of theIrish experi- ment, summarizing them nearly in the language which we- used last week. Thelemedy is to break up the criminal pro-. fession by getting such a record of every offender (by the ai& of photography) that a second offence will be at once recognisedi as a second, and the offender sentenced accordingly ; the- thorough enforcement of the condition on which licenses are granted to the more promising, the lengthening or sentences to all the criminal class, and especially the- enforcement of a much longer sentence than twelve years before granting a ticket-of-leave even to the best of the life convicts, the enlargement of prison accommodation,, and individualizing the treatment of different eases_ Insteadof flooding the courts with mere "evidence" when evidence is already in nauseating exe.s., why was not a man who has practically succeeded in Ireland asked to put his- shoulder to the wheel in England also ? We hope the corn, mission is not appointed to confuse the question—as likely a. result as any other.

Mr. Charles Buxton betrays, in a long letter to yesterday's- Times, a hopelessness about the emancipation policy of the' Northern Government which appears to be founded principally on W priori considerations. Would it not be worth his while' as a known friend of the slave to look at the actual results of emancipation, both in Port Royal, the Delta of the. Mississippi' in the neighbourhood of Pensacola, in Missouri, and in the district of Columbia itself? While all the Northern, States have fallen in some degree into the hands of the pro- slavery democrats, Missouri, the border land of slavery, has for the first time declared enthusiastically for the policy of emanci- pation. General Neal Dow's and General Weitzel's reports. from the South are exceedingly favourable to the industry of the emancipated negro, and all the reports are exceedingly unfavourable to the massacre hypothesis of the English alar- mists. Even our contemporary, the Index, with all its energy, can get together no evidence of any worse atrooity than that "a Mrs. Mock, in Florida, was threatened by a negro with bayonetting." On the other hand, the accounts of the willing industry of the negro when hired even by his former masters,. are numerous and indisputable. If Mr. Buxton would quit the high a priori region of probable reasoning, and look at suck facts as we have, he might answer the questions proposed in his letter, so far, at least, as the Northern arms penetrate, with tees profound: despondency.

A deputation of gentlemen waited on Tuesday on Sir George- Grey to present a memorial against the traffic in liquors. They prayed that the majority of residents in every parish should have power, by a popular vote, to prevent the existence of any- public-house. They would not, however, explain, though pressed by Sir George Grey, whether this vote was to bind the parish for ever, or only until such time as the parishioners chose to repeal it. Sir George Grey, though civilly argument- ative, gave the deputation no hope. He seemed, indeed, to imagine that for three men to prohibit two others from getting a grass of beer was an interference with individual liberty, -ft height of statesmanship to which the worthy memorialists ob- viously could not ascend. One of them, indeed, actually remarked that there was no law for opening public-houses, as if there were a law compelling the sale of milk ? Not one seemed to perceive that if "the majority" can prohibit the sale of beer, they may also prohibit the sale of anything what- ever which they may choose to think injurious in excess. The object of all these movements is the same—to substitute phy- sical force for moral influence, and so add, to the vice already existing, the new and greater evil of hypocrisy.

Tho Italian journals report that M. Fasolini has declined ;to reopen negotiations for the evacuation of Rome. Such negotiations, they say, must be sterile, and are derogatory to the position of Italy as an in- dependent State. La France denies the report in a tone of bitter annoyance, but it is in accord with all that is known of Baron Ricasoli's policy. He affirms that France remains in Rome by the right of force alone, and Italy, therefore, while declining a contest with irresistible power ,terminates a discussion which, in the nature of things, must be barren of all but insult. The Imperial Government regard this attitude with annoyance, as it conveys a charge that they rely on force alone.

The Prussian Government seems still to treat the Italians with the aristocratic hauteur of an old regime towards a par- venu. The correspondent of the Daily News at Turin states, that the Prince of Prussia, in passing through Milan, declined all invitations from the Italian Prince Humbert, and held quite aloof from the dynasty, though directly he had crossed the Austrian frontier he visited and received the authorities openly, and showed great sympathy for Austria. If this be true, the Prince is more in harmony with his father than public rumour had supposed. The Russian General Willisen, who gave great umbrage to the Italian authorities in 1859, has been sent to Turin as ambassador, greatly to the discontent of the Italians. The Prussian Government seems as reactionary in its foreign tendencies as in its home policy,—which is well. The nation is patient, and may bear either, but scarcely both.

Mr. Adams's correspondence with Lord Russell con- cerning the Alabama proves that the determination to prosecute the parties who were fitting out the Alabama, under the Foreign Fnliatment Act was, after much consideration and at least one rejection at last taken

by the Government just too late to lead to any re- sult. Mr. Adams submitted to Hr. Collier, QC., the evi- dence which he thought proved the vessel to be expressly in- tended by its outfitters for the Southern belligerents. Mr. Collier advised on the 23rd July that this evidence was quite enough to justify "the Collector of Customs in detaining the vessel." "It appears difficult," wrote Mr. Collier, "to make out a stronger case of infringement of the Foreign Enlistment Act which, if not enforced on this occasion, appears little better than a dead letter. It well deserves consideration whether if the vessel be allowed to escape, the Federal Govern- ment would not have serious grounds of remonstrance." On this very strong opinion, the Government tardily determined to act. But before they did so—viz., on the 29th July—the Alabama sailed, without papers, and forfeiting, we believe, bonds to a large amount to return from the ostensible trial- trip. Lord Russell, in speaking apologetically to Mr. Adams of the matter, remarked that the first delay occurred from the illness of Sir John Harding, the Queen's Advocate, and that -when they had received and acted on their further advice, it was too late. He added that orders should be sent out to seize her at Nassau, if the opportunity occurred. The action of Her Majesty's Government in the matter was certainly not remarkable for alacrity.

But had the case been tried, it is by no means certain that the Foreign Enlistment Act would have sufficed to justify the seizure. "Historicus," yesterday, produced, in an able letter to the Times, a curious Eiustration from the interpretation of the American Foreign Enlistment Act, which, both in words and spirit, is almost identical with our own. The Supreme Court of the United States instructed the jury that, "if they believe that when the Bolivar was equipped at Baltimore, and when she left the United States the equipper had rm./1mi intention to employ her as a privateer, but had a wish so to employ her, the fulfilment of which wish depended on her ability to obtain funds in. the West Indies for the purpose of arming and preparing her for war, then the defendant is not guilty. . . . The offence consists principally in the intention with which these preparations were made. Those preparations, according to the terms of the Act, must be made within the limits of the "United States, and it is equally necessary that the intention with respect to the employment of the vessel should be proved before she leaves the United States. And this must be a fixed intention, not conditional or contingent on some future arrangements." If that is -United States' law we confess we think it would be difficult to con- vict the Alabama under it. No doubt the intention to employ her as a Confederate vessel was conditional on several cireum- stances,—the approval of President Davis, for example, and the continuance of the -war. The Foreign Enlistment Act ap- pears in America to be sharpened to a finer metaphysical point than even English law. We class many crimes accord- ing to their intention ; but to make a conditional intention accompanied by a hearty wish to commit the crime perfectly

guiltless, is to demand a psychologist rather than a plain human being in the jury-box. No English judge probably would fine away law to such a thread as this.

A warm discussion has arisen in the North on the character of General Butler. The Democrats are inclined to remove him, and declare that, besides being vain, arbitrary, and Abolitionist, he is corrupt in pecuniary affairs. The Republi- cans, on the other hand, argue that granting all these charges, he is still the most efficient of all the Federal agents. With a very small force and without systematic cruelty he has held the most important post on the Mississippi, and reduced a city of ruffians to something like decent order. New Orleans was never so safe or so free from crime, and the respectable residents would receive an order for his removal with un-

feigned distaate. This seems also to be the official view, the Government incessantly rebuking General Butler for his violence and audacity, but still leaving him in com- mand.

The War Office has issued a circular addressed to the Lords Lieutenants of counties, announcing that after the 1st Janu- ary no further regiments of volunteers can be enrolled. The reason assigned is the obligation under which Sir G. C. Lewis finds himself of "ordering a revision of the regulations for the guidance of the volunteer force," but we presume the true explanation is the necessity of placing a new grant on the estimates. The number enrolled, once rendered thoroughly efficient, and well officered, is amply sufficient to serve as a nucleus for a truly national force. On the slightest alarm it could be raised at once to half a million of men without deranging its organization, or requiring any increase of officers.

The Greek plebiscitam has terminated in the election of Prince Alfred by an enormous majority, though the precise figures are not yet known. In Athens, for example, he ob- tained every vote, except one given to the Due de Leuchten- burg, and five to Abcl-el-Kadir. The National Assembly met on the 20th Dec., but appears as yet to have taken no actions in the matter. Its leaders are said to be bewildered by the difficulty of inducing the Greeks to accept any other name, and half inclined to declare Prince Alfred elected, and ap- point a Regent to conduct the details of administration. They believe that if Greece persists, Europe must in the end give way, and forget apparently that they have to obtain the consent of their nominee as well as of the diplomatists. King Ferdinand of Portugal has definitively refused to come forward, and no other candidate appears as yet to have ob- tained the suffrages of the Powers. The Greeks, it is said, are by no means delighted at the idea of receiving the Ionian Islands, whose revenue hardly defrays their expenses, and altogether the question seems to become every week more involved. The Peninsula is perfectly quiet, but the Provisional Government is in straits for want of money, and talks of raising a loan.

The secret friends of the South are making a great handle of a despatch from Mr. C. M. Clay. That gentleman, lately American minister at St. Petersburg, wrote thence to Mr.- Seward, denouncing that "perfidious aristocrat," England, and advising him to send raen and money to stir up insurrec- tion in India, Canada, and Ireland. The despatch is consi- dered a proof of American hostility; those who quote it conveniently forgetting that Mr. Camas M. Clay was for this and other acts of folly summarily recalled.

The session of the Austrian Reichsrath was closed on the 18th by the Emperor in person with a highly constitutional speech. His Majesty expressed his entire satisfaction with his Parliament, which had worked cordially with him, hail provided new securities for the liberties of the subject, had imposed new taxes, had introduced a new commercial code, and had partially abolished feudal tenure. He hoped that they would be able to carry out farther ohang,es, and especially a new distribution of taxes, and announced his own determi- nation to uphold the unity of the Empire, and the constitu- tional system. If the House of Hapsburg can be induced to keep its word for a generation, it may yet conciliate, all its subjects and raise its Empire once more into a first- class power. The doubt is whether the Emperor will, by keeping faith with his people, repudiate the whole history of his family. If he does he may yet be Emperor of Germany, for his only rival, the Kin"' of Prussia, is throwing away his chance. Five years ago Protestant Germany would have voted for him to a man, now it is to Catholic and despotic Austria that Liberals turn their eyes.