FASCISM IN BURMA
By ARTHUR MANTON HE most pressing issue in the politics of Burma today is the T controversy between the Government and the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League over the claim of the latter to the right to organise a private army. The origin of this movement is to be found in the local army which was raised under Japanese auspices and is popularly known as the Patriotic Burmese Forces. This body assisted the Japanese until it was apparent that they were going to lose the war ; then, after a preliminary period, during which rela- tions were maintained with both sides, it deserted from the Japanese to the Allies after the Pall of Mandalay had brought the end of the campaign in sight. The military contribution of the Patriotic Bur- mese Forces had, of course, little value, for they had neither the numbers nor the equipment to be effective. The Japanese suffered some inconvenience on their lines of communication, and stragglers and parties of walking sick were cut off ; but otherwise the Patriotic Burmese Forces could contribute nothing to a victory that was already assured. Their adhesion to the Allied cause was, however, a great encouragement to the forces in the field, since it was so clear an indication of the universal hostility of Burma towards the Japanese.
Unfortunately, circumstances combined to give the Patriotic Bur- mese Forces a false degree of importance. For one thing, news- paper correspondents, not being familiar with the country and its peoples, Confused the Patriotic Burmese Forces with the guerrillas raised by the Allies partly from the Burman population, but mainly from the hill-peoples of the country. The hill-peoples in particular have a magnificent, though little realised, war record. Karens, Kachins, Chins gave unflinching support to the British cause in Burma, and from 1942 onwards, in the most discouraging circum- stances, they stood firm in their resistance to the enemy. Their story has never been made known ; they have been neglected by those who have written of Burma.. But their gallantry, and their suffering at the hands of Japanese and Burmans alike, demand every thanks and every sympathy from us. As the distinction between hill-
peoples and Burmans has not been realised in many quarters, the courage and devotion of the hillmen have been attributed to the Patriotic Burmese Forces, a purely Burman body who played, as has been observed, an insignificant part in achieving victory. Ridiculous claims have in consequence been made about, for example, the casualties inflicted on the Japanese by the P.B.F., as the Patriotic Burmese Forces are commonly called. It has even been suggested in Burman newspapers that the P.B.F. inflicted more casualties than all the Allied forces put together, whereas the casualties inflicted by the P.B.F. were only some 500 out of the total of 200,000 Japanese who died in Burma.
These claims on behalf of the P.B.F., however, have found a ready credence in some minds, and perhaps not least in the minds of the P.B.F. themselves. The policy of South-East Asia Com- mand, prior to the resumption of civil government in Burma, was to seek the co-operation of all parties in the restoration of the country, and it is possible that this attitude towards the P.B.F. may have led the members of the organisation, by a not unnatural process of self-exaggeration, to overestimate their own importance in the scheme of affairs. Thus the P.B.F. have come to believe, quite sincerely by this time, that they won the war in Burma—with, perhaps, some slight assistance from the Allies. The force has since been disbanded, and as many of its members as are willing and are medically fit have been absorbed into the regular army in Burma. But many have not enlisted, and many are not medically fit. These form the nucleus of a new force which has recently been created—the People's Volun- teer Organisation.
The People's Volunteer Organisation, led by U Aung San, who formerly commanded the P.B.F., is an offshoot of the political party called the Anti - Fascist People's Freedom League, which U Aung San founded after the defeat of the Japanese. It stands to the Anti-Fascist organisation in much the same relationship as the S.A. stood to the Nazi party in Germany twenty years ago. The members of this People's Volunteer Organisation are now wearing uniform and undergoing military training. It is claimed on their behalf that they have only dummy weapons ; but, as is inevitable after the country has been fought over its whole length twice in four years, there are large numbers of concealed arms which are available if they desire to use them. Further, in at least one district, they have been practising with live hand-grenades. It is a curious example of the working of the human mind that the political party which is organising this essentially Fascist instrument of force should still call itself the " Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League."
We have, in fact, in Burma today a situation not unreminiscent of Italy after the last war. A group of discontented young men, who are in opposition to the Government, with the means of violence at their disposal, are training themselves for war—and that means for civil war. If that is not their object, what is the point of the uni- forms, of the drilling, of the hand-grenades? The profession is that the object is physical training ; but military drill is not an essential of physical culture. It is said also that they are preparing them- selves for the day when a self-governing Burma will be responsible for her own defence; but in that case why not join the regular forces? There are other, and even less healthy, symptoms. Political intimidation is common in the villages, practised more especially by the Communist elements of the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League in collecting subscriptions for the party funds. Murders of subordinate Government officials are taking place. Large-scale dacoities, the purpose of which is suspected to be to obtain funds for political purposes, are of common occurrence.
The whole situation is uneasy ; violence is in the air. In a recent declaration, U Aung San referred to his organisation's demand for " freedom" and said, " We feel that we may not reach our goal by legal means. We must prepare for an extra legal struggle for our freedom, if that should become necessary." He envisaged, it appears from his subsequent remarks, civil disobedience combined with non- payment of taxes, and perhaps the setting up of a "parallel govern- ment." Unauthorised military training and the maintenance of private armies are practices which are permitted in no other part of the British Commonwealth, nor in the United States of America,
nor in the Soviet Union ; and there is no reason why they should be tolerated in Burma. The evil consequences which arise from viewing such activities with complacency have been seen clearly enough in the history of Europe this last twenty-odd years.
Unfortunately in Burma there is a good deal of complacency. The average Burman, with his good-humoured, tolerant attitude towards life, is unapt to condemn what seems to him merely the exuberance of youth. Unless he himself is directly affected, he does not per- ceive the implications.. Moreover, remote from Europe, people in general in Burma have little knowledge of the • factors which pro- duced the Fascist and Nazi revolutions, and so have equally little realisation of the dangerous parallel which the situation in their _own country today bears to that of Italy and Germany twenty-five years ago. The Government of Burma, however, is alive to the -danger. It has quite rightly prohibited the wearing of unauthorised uniforms and the undertaking of unauthorised military training. It is to be hoped that this prohibition will be enforced whatever the cost. Burma is shortly to become completely self-governing ; it will be a sorry -prospect for the country if- she is to begin the era of self- government in an atmosphere of threatened civil war, in which private armies terrorise the people and violence is the order of the day.
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