NEWS OF THE WEEK.
THE progress of the debate on the Budget, or rather on a part of its first section and Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton's obstructive amendment against its extension, disclosed the fact that it was not really a discussion of merits, but a contest of influence and voting- strength; in which Members were not discussing the professed subject, but they were discussing themselves, and speaking to jus- tify their votes or cover the votes of adherents and deserters. The leader of the Opposition was no exception ; his elaborate compo- sition on the Income-tax and the history of parties touching that impost was an autobiographical and comparative treatise on him- self and his opponents. The burden of the cry from the Country party was, that the Income-tax was not designed in their interest; and of the Irish Members, that it was not enough designed in theirs ; and the battle lay in the attempt to call in Irish votes for the Brigade and Conservative waverers for the Country battalion. The vote disappointed the hopes of the joint forces—an adverse majority of 323 to 252 was worse than they expected. The Irish had boastfully reckoned on greater results from their alliance, and the announcement of so large a majority was a disagreeable sur- prise to some in Dublin. The reason of that unexpected number is disclosed in the secession of a considerable band of Mr. Disraeli's more immediate supporters; formerly carried over by him to the acquiescence in "unrestricted competition," and not willing to go back with him to the special protection of the landed interest. The vote was only on the first amendment ; but the Irish question was discounted, and the opening trial of strength is of
omen for the Opposition.
The Irish row on Thursday night only made matters worse. The immediate subject was the next amendment on the Income- tax proposition, moved by Mr. Lawless, to omit Ireland ; but the debate, if such a term is in any sense applicable, was a vio- lent altercation between the Irish Members as to their own cor- ruptibility. Mr. Duffy began it by declaring his disbelief that " in the worst days of the Walpoles or the Pelhams more scandal- ous corruption existed than I have seen under my own eye prac- tised on Irish Members." Such a hubbub !—Irish Members in the utmost effervescence ; Mr. John. Ball causing the words to be taken down ; the Chairman of the Committee reporting the objectionable words to the whole House ; the Speaker in his most dignified aus- terity; Ministers cruelly calm, and excruciating with mild advice the hesitating Duffy,—a scene of indescribable humiliation on one side and of loud indignation on the other. The Irish Brigade had been led into a false attack. Mr. Duffy and Mr. Lucas tried to explain away the point of the words : Mr. Duffy said that "under my own eye" only meant since his admission to the House ; and Mr. Lucas said that the corruption was practised " towards" the Irish Members, whose honour was not impugned, but only that of the Government. Called upon by the Speaker to explain or re- tract, Mr. Duffy asked for time, and left the House ; followed by an unanimous vote which summoned him to attend next day and explain. The effect of the scandalous exhibition goes beyond the detriment to the influence of the " Brigade ": it has now caused a decided breach between that party and the moderate Irish Mem- bers ; and it has also obliged their allies of the Country party, by the etiquette of the House, to concur with Government in calling the libeller to account. Several of the Irish Liberals are furious against Mr. Duffy ; and the Tory leaders could not conceal the embarrassment of a divided duty to two opposites—Ireland and Order.
There is another confusion in the English section of the hostile tamp. The general turn of the corrupt practices at the elections, although neither side is individually exempt, tells moat forcibly and discreditably against the late Ministers. Chatham writ has been suspended ; and the unseated Member, Sir Frederick Smith,
has been threatened with prosecution for bribery, on the motion of Sir John Shelley. The Committee had reported him guilty, with a technically guilty knowledge ; and yet had not advised a prose- cution. The irresolution of the Committee affected the House ; which threw out the motion for prosecution by a considerable ma- jority, notwithstanding an earnest and distinct representation by Lord John Russell, that poor voters could hardly be prosecuted if rich bribers were let off. Sir Frederick escapes • but the whole story of the election is before the public. The case Of Berwick-upon- Tweed, where a defeated candidate is accused of promoting a pe- tition for corrupt purposes, stands upon a different footing ; but the corruption of the borough tells cumulatively on the general sense of these scandals.
The position of Mr. Stafford is a still more damaging incident to this class of subjects. The Derby Secretary of the Admiralty now admits that he issued orders purporting to be " by command of their Lordships," without the knowledge much less the authority of the Admiralty Board ; he confesses that he used " formal ex- pressions" and "stereotyped answers" at pleasure ; and although he disclaims having said that he could not help himself under pres- sure from Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli, be admits that he spoke of what they would expect. The loss of his own character is a damage to his party ; but the fact that Lord Derby and his Chan- cellor of the Exchequer are obliged to advance in the attitude of men repudiating the late Secretary to the Admiralty and the quon- dam Secretary to the "Society for the Protection of Native In- dustry" at 17 Bond Street, is a further blow to the party, perhaps worse than the Irish rupture, because it goes deeper and affects alliances more permanent than that between the Brigade and the Tories.
The indignation aroused by Mr. Drummond's speech in the Chat- ham debate is natural, but it is as exaggerated as his too sweeping satire. It is absurd to say that force and self-interest are the only instruments of government, unless you descend to a quibble on the word " self-interest." Much higher motives than those do influence us, yet there is considerable truth in Mr. Drummond's jeremiade : bribery is a great instrument in forming the Parlia- ment; the House of Commons is a bazaar into which many enter for the purchase of place ; and Governments do include place- hunters and place-dealers. A partisan's speech can make one man an Attorney-General, and a party vote can make another into a naval shipwright ; a blue riband has made a Protectionist mollify towards Free-trade ; and a Ministry has substituted " unrestricted competition " for a doctrine of protection which was incompatible with the tenure of place. But that which is the whole truth to Mr. Drummond, who probably speaks, as men do, too much from what is close around them, is only a partial truth in a broader view. Still the satire has its use : it startles atten- tion, gives unity to the view of practices which were exempli- fied at Chatham, at Portsmouth, and at Derby ' • and contributes a commentary on these disclosures which will help with them to render such practices henceforth more and more impossible. Par- liament will not stop just now to consider details of reform, such as Mr. Locke King's ten-pound franchise. But it is accumulating data for the new Reform Bill; and these disclosures will not only strengthen the authors of that measure, but, by tearing down the curtains of the public offices, will introduce a healthier atmosphere into administration.
