THIRD FORCE IN FRANCE
By JEAN-PIERRE GIRAUDOUX
NEXT to the formation of the Cominform, the results of the local-government elections have contributed most to the sim- plification of the French political background. If the parties (as described in these columns) do still exist, the triumph of the Rassemblement du Peuple Francais, the rout of the Mouvement Republicain Populaire and the set-back of the Communists have brought about a new situation which, though obviously temporary, represents a decisive step forward. No one can hold that French politics are not dynamic.
In no other country has the Polish Conference been so costly tc the Communists. The social unrest inspired by Moscow and the prolonged political use of strikes were so disagreeable that, in Paris where these moves were most blatant, an absolute majority went to the Rassemblement. Violent abuse of the U.S.A. found no echo in the hearts of the electors, and the attitude of relentless aggression towards the " social traitors " only succeeded in bestowing on the Socialist Party a much-wanted artificial vigour. What the Com- munists lost in seats at the City Councils (32,703 in 1947 instead of 40,339 in 1945) went mostly to the Marxist Socialists, although it cannot be denied that the R.P.F. did gain some formerly Com- munist votes, and made good the losses inflicted on the Socialists by de Gaulle. In fact, instead of suffering the electoral havoc it expected, M. Ramadier's party more or less maintained itself. Hence the new Socialist-inspired Rassemblement (a fashionable word indeed in French political vocabulary). Hence what is now commonly called the Third Force.
It is a remarkable fact that, although on the eve of the elections nothing solid seemed to stand between the Communists and de Gaulle's Rally, a movement has since emerged which may be called upon to play an important, if temporary, role in the next few months. What are the meaning and purposes of this Third Force? From a legislative angle it is almost entirely a two-party association of the Marxist-Socialists and the non-Marxist-Socialists—the Section Francaise de anternationale Ouvriere and the Mouvement Re- publicain Populaire—with the backing of a few odd Radicals and Independents, which constitutes the majority, and a very narrow one at that (twenty votes) supporting M. Ramadier's Government. It does not hesitate to condemn the two other movements equally as " enemies of the Republic." Indeed, amongst the Socialists, despite many tacit local coalitions against the Communists, the atti- tude towards de Gaulle is one of total misunderstanding, and their official organ, the Populaire, is as violent against the " Caesarian peril" as against the "Russian Fifth Column." From a national angle the Third Force comprises all who have decided that appease- ment of the extreme Left can have no practical results, but also do not wholly approve of de Gaulle's methods of attack and mis- trust some of his more Right-wing followers. Thus—and this may be the key to the future—while the Communists pretend to make no distinction between the Rally and the Third Force (both branded as the "American Party "), the synchronisation of parliamentary and non-parliamentary promoters of a middle camp is not complete.
The Third Force has been very severe in condemning the R.P.F.'s lack of programme, particularly in the economic field, but it has not succeeded in presenting one itself. The gulf is wide between Left-wing Socialists who have been demanding reinforced State control and Right-wing Socialists, together with the members of the M.R.P., who, in harmony with M. Ramadier's personal views, are becoming more and more liberal. The controversy is identical with that between Conservatives and Labour on the other side of the Channel. M. Ramadier's position, which the decrease of members of his Cabinet from twenty-two to thirteen did little to strengthen, is so weak that it is questionable whether he would have survived the vote of confidence had not General de Gaulle's uncompromising statement on the day after the elections acted like a whip on the Paris. more restive and hesitant members of the Assembly. The reaction was one of indignation. And the Press of the Third Force repre- sented the General's declaration, inviting the Assembly to dissolve itself, as an " undisguised menace to democracy."
In Great Britaga # similar situation would cause the Prime Minister to appeal to the country with unanimous approval. But in France, although the average voter would think such an action logical, the Deputy has always tended to consider that he is not only the Delegate of the sovereign people, but also, however temporarily, the sovereign himself. Therefore (in disapproval of the General as well as of the Communists) the Parliamentary Third Force gave half- hearted support to a Government whose programme is still a mystery ; a Government which, it is convinced, is born to die. The Prime Minister's chief asset is that neither the Assembly nor the President of the Republic can find a more efficient successor— unless, as is not unlikely, M. Leon Blum is willing to preside over a Centre Cabinet which might include M. Paul Reynapd as Finance Minister. On the ether hand, General de Gaulle has made it clear that he will not accept power without the instruments which he deems indispensable to the fulfilment of his task—a constitution half-way between the American and British systems and a new electoral law on the British pattern. There is little chance of his changing his mind, convinced as he is that the Third Force does not correspond to any reality, and is, in any case, wholly incapable of dealing with the impending Communist-sponsored political agitation and economic collapse.
Hence a dilemma which time alone will solve. For when the
question is asked : Does the present Constitution allow an immediate appeal to the country? the answer is no. Only after one and a- half years can the President of the Republic, with the approval of the Cabinet and of the Speaker of the National Assembly, pronounce its dissolution. But as the Constitution can be modified forthwith, should Parliament decide to lo so—without a referendum by a majority of two-thirds of the Assembly, or a majority of three-fifths in both Chambers, or with a referendum by a simple majority in both Chambers—the query may well be somewhat hypocritical. When politicians and leading journalists talk and write about ideas and programmes, struggles and defences, they know that they are not being frank, and that the problem lies elsewhere. It is, above all, a human problem. A Government worthy of the name is formed by statesmen. Where are those to be found? How can a ministerial team be constituted, efficient, energetic, decided and, most important of all, united in purpose and methods? While the Third Force is searching for such a combination of personalities within its own ranks, some of its more moderate elements, realising the impossibility of finding it, are not entirely forgetful of de Gaulle's formidable national capital, however little enthusiasm they may feel for him personally. Indeed, were the General in a position to submit a team to the nation, the last-minute attempt of the Third Force to justify a fight on two fronts would meet with little response. But de Gaulle is still, as ever, a lonely man. Neither the more prominent politicians nor the more able technicians have rallied to him. The better known amongst his supporters arouse little public ardour. New men behind him have yet to prove their worth.
In a country like France, however, where stability is not the
keynote, where the great majority of the electorate is apt to change its mind with surprising rapidity, it is indispensable to distinguish between the essential and the non-essential. Now what is essential in French politics is that which appeals to the imagination as well as to the logic of the nation. There is de Gaulle's trump card. Therefore, in the game that is now being played between the " three forces," the first rubber between de Gaulle and the Third Force is perhaps not quite fair. The common feeling is that only when this has been won will the real game begin.
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