IRELAND AND ITS RULERS SINCE 1829.

Tina is a dashing, broad, and leader-looking series of articles upon Irish affairs since the passing of Catholic Emancipation, written by a man who has observed public events; and who may possibly have been connected with them either as an actor or a professional spectator. The latter is the more likely case; for he is too indifferent or impartial to have mixed as a partisan in the war of Irish politics, and his style and manner are those of a popular writer. Oracular, superficial, dogmatic, plausible, and with the assumption of knowing every thing, and settling every thing by his word, he reminds one of an Edinburgh Reviewer, (for he has neither the retenue nor the insolence of the elder Quarterly scribes )—though he has more nerve and less conventional verbiage than ;he modern Edinburgh contributors.

The precise end of Ireland and its Rulers is not very clear ; but that may possibly arise from only the First Part of the work being published. At present it is merely a series of articles descriptive of Irish politics or politicians, with very few practical suggestions, and those by no means new. The author opens his book by saying, and truly, that the population of Ireland fetidly consists of two nations ; one of which possesses the property, perhaps the substance of the country, (if the English term substantial can be correctly applied to Ireland,) while the bulk of the community and the small traders, with the demagogues of the Corn Exchange, form the other gene. He closes his first volume by maintaining that Sir ROBERT PEEL has chosen the right mode of dealing with the Repeal agitation. It will be impossible to keep up the steam much longer, as it is not a national but a popular object, only the merest rabble believing in its attainment ; whereas had Sir ROBERT adopted severe measures, he would have inflamed the public mind, O'CoxxELL would have figured as a persecuted patriot, and though the agitation by meetings might have been put down, that by the press could not. To these not very novel views is added an opinion, which our readers also have seen in print before, that although the Premier was right in the past session, as conciliation would have been attributed to fear, he must not pursue a do-nothing policy in the next, but apply himself to Irish mea

sures, especially the tenure of land. Moreover, the author thinks the payment of the Catholic clergy should be mooted for future settlement ; and incidentally he appears to consider that Ireland ought to have more Members of Parliament. It will be guessed from this that he is not the "coming man" to still the Irish storm.

The intermediate portions of the book are better than its beginning and end; though it is not by the usual interpretation of words that it can be considered to relate to "Ireland and its Rulers." We have a notice of the family and public career of O'CONNELL up to 1829; and an account of the quarrel between the Liberator and Mr. DOHERTY, the Solicitor-General, respecting the prosecution of the persons implicated in what was called the Doneraile conspiracy: there are critical sketches of the administration of the Duke of NORTHUMBERLAIND and the Marquis of ANGLESEY, with an elaborate sketch of Mr. Secretary STANLEY; the rise and progress of the Irish career of PEARGUS O'CONNOR, or, as the author calls it, the "Rig," is traced at some length ; O'CONNELL is again brought on the scene, with his Tail ; and an investigation of the principles of the Reform and the Repeal agitations in Ireland is attempted,—for the narrative of the book reminds us that Repeal was a cry during Lord GERI'S Administration, and indeed up to the Lichfield House compact. The public and private character of the Irish priesthood are exhibited, and some remarks thrown out on their defective education ; and a chapter is devoted to Father MATHEW and places of worship in Cork. A review of the Present Agitation closes the volume, except the section we have alluded to on " Sir Robert Peel's Conduct and Position."

We have already said that the writer has a knowledge of Irish affairs and persons, and seems to have acquired it from actual observation. He constantly speaks of his acquaintance with things as made at first-hand; and his description of occurrences seems to intimate that he was present at what he describes. But it is probable that this is merely a literary artifice, and that he is only personifying hearsay accounts. One quality he does possess, and that is certainty—true or false, the reader is in no doubt as to what the writer is representing ; and this upon topics that are somewhat passed, it being one of the qualities of the book to revive impressions that were fading. Such, for example, is

O'CONNELL AS A "COUNSELLOR."

He went the Munster Circuit, which in those days was thronged by men of great professional ability. But O'Connell ranked first among the first : his qualities as a professional man have, perhaps, never been sufficiently noticed. Caution in conducting a case was his most prominent characteristic. He affected to be a careless, but a more wary advocate never stood in a court of justice. Perhaps no great advocate ever had the same relish for the legal profession. O'Connell hunted down a cause with the gusto of a Kerry foxhunter in pursuit of Reynard. He keenly enjoyed baffling the Crown counsel, and bullying the witnesses against some trembling culprit in the dock. In those times, counsel for prisoners were not allowed to address the jury ; but O'Connell had a great art of putting illegal questions to a witness, and in arguing for their legality, made " aside" short interjectional speeches to the jury. * • • In civil cases he was equally successful. In will causes, disputed estates, and questions originating in family quarrels, he was unrivalled for his tact, presence of mind, and above all, for his understanding the details of business. Be was the best man of business that ever appeared at the Irish bar, and was rather vain of his skill in arithmetical calculations. He had great knowledge of character, and directed [? dissected] the motives of a plaintiff or defendant with inimitable skill. His combination of worldly knowledge and professional information—his aptness and ingenuity—his exhaustless supply of humour—his torrents of caustic ridicule—his zeal for his client, and untiring physical energies, rendered him altogether matchless at the Irish bar. Perhaps his greatest quality in a court of justice was his oblivion of himself. When addressing a jury, he forgot every thing around him, and thought only of bringing off his client victorious. No lust for oratorical display ever tempted him to make a speech dangerous to the party by whom he was retained. Sooner than have made such a speech as Brougham delivered in the case of Ambrose Williams, O'Connell would have thrown up his brief. He was par excellence the safest advocate ever intrusted with a case. For the union ot great general powers he stands without a rival in the history of the legal profession. Curran and Erskine were finer orators, but they were shallower lawyers ; Blanket had a more powerful understanding, and was superior to all contemporary advocates in sustained reasoning powers, but he had little of O'Connell's versatility. If Sir Thomas Wilde had pathos and humour, he would be a sort of English O'ConnelL Redoubtable as was Garrow at cross-examination, he was inferior to the great Irish advocate in the art of putting a prepared witness off his guard. Besides, Garrow had a set plan for approaching a witness, and seldom made those wonderful guesses at character by which O'Connell gained many a verdict.

There can be no doubt that his powers in a court of justice deserved, as they received, the admiration of all who witnessed their display.

FIRST APPEARANCE OF FEARGUS O'CONNOR.

In the summer of 1832, after the Reform Bill had been carried, a vast public meeting was held in the city a. Cork, in honour of the Reform Ministry. This meeting had been assembled under the auspices of the leading Whigs of the South of Ireland; and the Whig magnates of the neighbouring counties favoured it with their patronage, if not with their presence. • • • • * The assembly was held in the County Court House, which was thronged; and as the landlords of the county came forward to address the meeting, loud were the cheers, and great was the enthusiasm. The crowd were highly delighted with so brilliant and imposing an exhibition. Some City Radicals, however, were present, who were by no means pleased with the moderado character of the meeting ; and they did not feel quite at home in the presence of " the assembled rank and wealth of this great county."

Towards the end of the day, a gentleman whom no one knew claimed a hearing from the High Sheriff. He appeared to be about thirty years of age; had red hair, and a fierce countenance, with an indescribable " dare-devil " demeanour. He proposed some amendment, for the purpose of entitling him to speak; and literally electrified the meeting with one of the most inflammatory

harangues that even Irish ears had ever heard. " Who is be was eagerly, asked ; but no one could tell the orator's name. His person was unknown, except to a few who thought they had seen him " in the bar-box at the last assizes." The Whigs wished him far away; but the mass of the meeting were delighted with his dashing and rattling style—his high sounding claptraps, his unbroken fluency, and his ultra-Irish principles. " Away with this canting Whiggery!" he cried, " Repeal, and nothing but Repeal, will do for Ireland." Cheers greeted the unknown speaker, as he poured forth a torrent of vituperation against the Whig Ministry, the Lord-Lieutenant, and " the tyrant Stanley." It was most amusing to witness the blank faces of dismay among the Whig gentry, and to contrast them with those of the delighted " people.' Many were heard to say that this new public speaker was " finer than O'Connell."

The Whigs listened to him in silences until the strange orator, after having abused the aristocracy, " these fruges consumere nail, this kid-skin glove aristocrat with his gingerbread Geneva watch in his fob—his hat on three hairs of his head, actually stinking with perfume," &c. &c.—clenching his fist suddenly, told the astonished meeting that " he would open up the rotten borough of Cork." Shouts of laughter from the Whig gentry greeted this foolish escapade, as it was then thought to be. A man whose name nobody knew, wresttag the County from the Whig patriots, who had always supported Emancipation, and had carried Reform !—'twas too ridiculous! even the City Radicals thought the stranger was " very wild in his ideas." What ! for a man without a passport from the recognized organs of Agitation to take matters into his own hands! Besides, would O'Connell give him leave to come forward ? In short, though the humbler, more numerous, and least reflecting portion of the meeting were in ecstasies with the stranger, his announcement that he would open up Cork County made some persons strongly suspect his sanity. And this was Fergus O'Conner s debut in political life. Yes ! the stranger whom no one then knew was that demagogue who has done so much mischief to himself and others—who excited the Repealers of Ireland and the Chartists of England—injured the one cause and ruined the other.

QUALIFICATIONS OF FEARGUS O'CONNOR FOR A DEMAGOGUE.

It must be admitted that Fergus was well fitted in some respects for an Irish tribune. He had the three great requisites, viz, brazen audacity, a fine sonorous voice, and a copious supply of words. Besides these, he had other qualities—a frank and ingratiating demeanour, very popular manners, high spirits, and a reckless nature of adventurous turn. His face was very ugly—its

features were haggard and care-worn—the forehead retreated sharply from the brow—his hair was foxy : but his stature was large, with massive shoulders, and his action in public speaking was peculiarly easy and graceful. Almost all other qualities for a public man he wanted. For example, he had neither tact, discretion, power of reflection, or capacity for retaining his influence.

His style of demagogueism had much individuality of character. Most Irish demagogues, for the last few years, hare been only bad copies of O'Connell or

SheiL They try and imitate the vehement politics and funny scurrility of one, or, the sesguigedalia rerba and fustian sentiments of the other. They are seldom original ; their topics are hacknied ; and they survey Ireland with the eyes of men who take all their ideas from the Corn Exchange. But Fergus was original ; and certainly O'Connell had good cause for being jealous of his powers for popular speaking. There was a wild Ossianie spirit

about O'Connor's spirit-stirring effusions, that was altogether different from

O'Connell's wearisome blarney and incessant cajolery. As men of talent and mind, it would be absurd to institute any comparison between them ; but as Irish popular speakers, Fergus was in some respects superior to O'Connell. Though he had no poetical powers, he had strong poetical feelings, (which are totally deficient in O'Connell); and to these he often gave vent in speeches of a most romantic character, whose effect was not the less powerful because they could not bear the criticism of the closet. These poetical feelings were natural to Fergus : he had lived much in the country, and had roamed over the Continent—he was fond of theatricals, and reputed to have no mean histrionic powers. His mind was crammed with legendary poetry ; and on the whole there was in those times, before he became a hardened agitator, a mystical spirit in the man, that found an utterance in pouring out his feelings to an impassioned peasantry, who heartily sympathized with the fancies of this wild and singular demagogue. Besides, there was a strong dash of high and aspiring character in Fergus's popular speaking. He did not talk down to his audience after O'Connell's

" free and easy" colloquial style, and put himself on a level with all the coblers and tinkers in the crowd. He played the part to perfection of an Irish chieftain, and addressed the Repealers rather as his gallant clansmen than as his fellow-citizens or comrades. In truth, he was a picturesque agitator. His

voice was in those days greatly in his favour ; and when he poured out some half-poetical harangue in his dramatic tones, interspersing it with vague aspi rations after Freedom, in the style of " Young Germany," and snatches of verse, aiding the whole effect by his flowing delivery and the gallantry of his deportment, nothing could exceed the delight of "the people." Many persons, competent to judge, considered him a much better popular speaker than O'Connell. But he bad nothing of the various powers of the "Great Agitator." When he had ceased to talk, his influence was at an end.

THE IRISH CATHOLIC PRIESTHOOD.

There is no use in attacking the Irish Roman Catholic clergy. Their faults are the results not of their creed but of their social position, and of their country's unhappy state. The priests are effects rather than causes. Their Church was degraded and rendered despicable. Persons of superior station declined entering the priesthood. Even the young men of the middle-classes looked down upon it. The Catholic Church was left to recruit its pastors from the families of humble farmers and the peasantry, and these latter classes rejoiced to have their sons made gentlemen. To the tiller of the soil it WAS a proud thing that his little " Phaudrig " or " Shemus" should be styled " Reverend Sir" or " P.P."—that he should be dining with "the genteels," and confronting his landlord on the hustings. He saw his son, that a few years before had been a ragged little urchin playing about the roads, emerge from Maynooth clothed in decent black, write English fluently, and read, nay even construe Latin, with an unfaltering tongue. He saw him clothed in pontificals, ascend the altar, perform the dread mysteries of religion, and change the elements of bread and wine into " the body and blood—soul and divinity of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ." He saw the Catholic ladies of the parish going to confession, and kneeling down before his little Paddy. He beheld his bumble offspring changed into a priest—that is (in the eyes of the uninstructed

peasant) a being powerful to save and to curse. He heard him haranguing at political meetings, outshining the young agitating counsellor, and casting into the shade even the liberal magistrate in the chair. Hence it became the ambition of every decent farmer to get one of his boys made a priest. So far there would have been no evil; but, unfortunately to the Catholic clergyman himself, there has resulted considerable detriment. • • • In any state of society, a Catholic priest is a formidable person, from the reverence that is paid him by his flock. He becomes a puissance wherever Catholics exist. But in Catholic countries, his sense of power is considerably qualified in his own eyes by external considerations. The respect due to his superiors in station and influence prevents his displaying that odious and domineering arrogance, which but too commonly disgraces the Irish Catholic clergy Every Irish Catholic, not blinded by absurd prejudices, must admit that the priests are most overbearing in their tone and manners. Among their own flocks they are erigeant in their expectations. Their character is precisely what might be reasonably expected from antecedent circumstances. They have not only the consequential deportment of priests, but there is superadded the arrogance of upstarts. In the society of those who fear them not, such as Protestants, and persons accustomed to mix largely, they display a morbid sensitiveness. As the saying goes, you must always be "on your P's and Q's " with an Irish priest. When in company with one of them, it is difficult to retain natural ease; every petty and antiquated form of ceremonial politeness must be carefully performed. • • *

Ultra Catholics of the Irish Democracy may denounce their Peers and leading Commoners as "base, Catholic aristocrats," and hint that it is pride prevents them educating any of their younger eons for the church: but this is not true, for the entire well-to-do class in the Catholic body is open precisely to the :same charge. Wealthy shopkeepers, who can bring up their sons as harristen, physicians, or attornies, never force them into the church. On the other hand, farmers drive their " promising boys," to gratify their own parental ambition.

THE CRY FOR REPEAL.

The agitation is not a national movement, because the genuine moral force of Ireland is opposed to it. Not merely the rank and fortune, but the intellect and education of the country remain aloof. The aristocracy and overwhelming majority of the gentry, the bar of Ireland, and the profession of medicine, are hostile to its avowed objects. If it were really a national movement, would there be no expression of the mind of the country upon so exciting a subject as the independence of Ireland ? In a land celebrated for eloquence, would there be no successors and historical rivals to the Grattans, Floods, Hussey Burghs. Currans, and Plunkets of other days ?

No subject is more inspiring than the regeneration of an oppressed country. No political cause produces a greater number of remarkable characters than the genuine struggle for national liberty. But a mock contest for legislative independence can produce nothing but a dull and incessant clatter of the soulless machinery of the Corn Exchange.

Does O'Connell himself look like a genuine national leader? Are his speeches those of a man thoroughly in earnest—of one roused by a glorious occasion—of one who believes in the mission whirl he has himself assumed? Fancy the Gulttan of 1782 standing upon Tara Hill—with the theme O'Connell had to dilate upon ; and you will then feel that the big Agitator, with all his popular talents, does not come up to the stature of one who believed and resolved that he should be the leader in a great revolution. You will then perceive that the Great J:hin is a popular and not a national leader—that he is more infuriated with the vulgar vehemence of agitation than inspired with the honest consciousness of being a regenerator of Ireland. O'Connell a regenerator ! His statesmanship is that of a smuggler, who thinks he can run an Irish Parliament, and discharge his contraband Legislature at College Green. The agitation is half factitious and half genuine. The peasantry in the rural districts believe in it ; but the middle classes have no faith in it, although many of them joined in its furtherance. The common sense of Ireland perceives that "knowledge is power—thought is power, hut talk is not power."