IftiscEllaneous.

The Queen has received from the Senate and people of Hamburg a letter acknowledging her Majesty's bounty, and the liberality of the English nation, in contributions after the great fire. The letter is written on vellum, with gold and coloured letters ; illustrated with paintings in allusion to the English and Hamburg histories ; bound, like a book, in oak wainscoting saved from the Senate-house, with ornaments made from the bells of the burnt churches, by Schwantaler of Munich.

Tuesday's Gazette contained a proclamation by the Queen respecting the Rebecca riots in South Wales, and especially in Pembroke, Cardigan, and Carmarthenshire; "strictly commanding all Justices of the Peace, Sheriffs, Under-Sheriffs, and all other civil officers whatsoever, that they do use their utmost edeavours to repress all tumults, riots, outrages, and breaches of the peace, and to discover, apprehend, and bring to justice the persons concerned in the tic tons and wicked proceedings aforesaid " ; enjoining the lieges to give "prompt and effectual assistance"; and offering rewards of 500/. for the discovery of the actual perpetrators of incendiary fires or fatal outrages upon the person, and of 50/. for the discovery of perpetrators of the other outrages in question; with a promise of pardon to all informers save the actual perpetrators.

Another proclamation calls in the light gold coin. After its date, the 2d October, no sovereign of less than five pennyweights two grains and a half, and no half-sovereign of less than two pennyweights thirteen grains and one half, shall pass current ; and all persons, especially officers of the revenue, are enjoined to cut up and break such deficient coin, after the 1st of next January.

The Standard mentions the disclosure of new Customhouse frauds

" Several new discoveries of frauds were made at the Customhouse in the course cif the last week; and parties before unsuspected are, we hear, implicated in them. The greatest secresy is observed by those who are conducting the investigation; and consequently the particulars have not yet transpired.

i We believe, however, we are correct n saying that some of the more important new discoveries relate to the foreign fruit-trade. Large quantities, it is understood, have been admitted from foreign shores either entirely duty-free or at a very reduced rate of duty."

The Morning Chronicle announces the institution of an order of Fellows at London University College " The by-laws of the College, passed at a general meeting of the proprietors in May 1842, contain a regulation for the gradual admission of alum= of the College to a participation in its government. With this view, the Council are authorized to constitute students of the College, who base graduated with honours at the University of London, members of the corporate body, by conferring on them for life such shares as, in consequence of forfeiture, or of being ceded for the purpose by proprietors, they shall have the power of disposing of. The members to be so constituted are to be styled Fellows of the College, and to enjoy the .privileges possessed by other proprietors especially the right of taking part in the election of the Council, and eligibility to be themselves anembers of that body. Not more than one-third of the shares to be so disposed of in any one;year are to be conferred on graduates in Medicine, nor more than two-thirds among graduates in Arts and Law. This law, which will probably be attended with important future consequences in the government of the College, by attaching to it permanently, and it may be officially, the most distinguished men which it may produce, and placing the management of the institution in the hands of those whose early associations are sure to interest them in its welfare, haslately been acted upon for the first time by the Council, by the appointment of three Fellows—one for each Faculty. The gentlemen who have received this distinction are John Richard Quoin, of the Inner Temple, Bachelor of Laws; John Taylor, Keppel Street, Doctor of Medicine; Jacob Wiley, of Lincoln's Inn, Master of Arts.

The part of the Letters on Law Reform, addressed by Lord Brougham to SirJames Graham, that has attracted most notice, is the conclusion ; where the writer leaves the professed subject of the correspondence, and sallies forth into the wide field of politics ; which he traverses with the fierce and joyous freedom of a veteran war-horse released for ever from the ranks, but pricking up his ears at the sound of trumpet and strife, and rehearsing past charges in a thousand random carders o'er the plain. He alludes to the constant labour to slander him, of agitators in Ireland and editors in this country ; most keen, he thinks, when he was most in power. He professes to acquit his Whig colleagues of participation in those assaults, which they disliked, but could not control. But what could give rise to all this rancour?— " How can I answer the question ? How can I tell whom I may have offended, by stopping, as I frequently did, a scandalous job? How should I know the names of all the suitors in my Court, and before the House of Lords, against whom I may conscientiously, but to them most ruinously, have pronounced judgment, sometimes affecting the character of parties, sometimes their estate? That some things were ',resented which certain men not unconnected with thepress exceedingly desired, lam aware; and I am also aware that what I thought bad passed in the secrecy of the Cabinet became known to those concerned, to a manner, I believe, without any precedent. I am further -aware of excessive annoyance having been given by some judgments of mine to parties not isithout influence ; of those parties having made attempts to assail their Judge through the press, (' write him down,' was their phrase); and of their afterwards having exerted some activity among other Judges, as well as with myself, who indignantly spurned such interference away from me. But I repeat it, never had I cause to complain of my late colleagues breathing a whisper against me in public. Perhaps I ought to wish that they had. They never would have done it twice; and the foul current of slander might have Wen stemmed."

The mystery of his exclusion from the Woolsack in 1835 is discussed; with some reference to others who were " Glenelged "—

"It seems I continued to stand by the party until King William's death, when I hoped all objection to me would end. This is a mereinvention—sin absolute fabrication. The reason why the Great Seal was not offered to me in 1835 1 cannot give you or them, for by some oversight it never was communicated to me. But I was most distinctly and candidly told what was act the reason; being informed in express terms that no objection was made by the Bing. Now, lest these defamere driven from one position to another, should still think that I was disappointed not resuming my high office, I mast add, that I bad not only resolved to refuse it, but had, in writing, conveyed this my determination to two persons, one of them in high office with the Whig Government. I had written those letters on receiving the request of an interview upon the subject ; and I had certainly written them under the entire belief that the offer would that evening he made to me, and made quite as a matter of course. Nay, I give those with whom I had the interview credit for having been quite sagacious enough to perceive that such was my determination ; though, under the dread of breaking with certain weighty supporters, it was not deemed prudent to run the very least risk, or even to make the offer, though certain to be rejected. The reason of my determination I need hardly mention : I was resolved to take no part in a Government deprived of all power to carry into effect the measures which it deemed necessary for the good of the country. But there are degrees of impotency, as of force ; and the public support may be wanting, as it may be afforded, in a greater or lesser extent. I foresaw disappointment, and humiliation in abundance. 1 prognosticated such scenes as the bills thrown out by wholesale in 1836, the defeats in 1337, the disasters in 1838; 1 could descry such discomfiture as the certain result of the structure, the shadowy structure, run up in 1835; I could well predict the necessary slavery to bad men, and the unavoidable prostitution of the only 'sort of Government which they were endowed withal—its patronage—to glut those men's appetites. The degradation of 1839 I could not foresee—could never even have fancied ; it far exceeded my worst apprehensions.

If you should feel much wonder at the secrecy preserved towards me on the subject I have referred to, and should say that I had any great reason to complain of it, I own I must differ with you. I was not single in being as treated. Lord Wellesley, 1 have reason to believe, was never informed why he was not sent back to Ireland in 1835—he who had resigned that government so instantaneously when we were removed from office and from power in November 1834, that he did not leave time for the Duke his brother to beg he would remain Viceroy. Lord Glenelg, I verily believe, was removed in 1839 without any further communication than the fact of his removal."

Lord Brougham recurs to hints of greediness among adherents

" That my whole conduct ever since I ceased to be a member of the party has been framed most exactly and scrupulously, without one single exception, upon those self-same principles which had always guided it before, and I may say ever since I entered into Parliament, now' alas! well nigh four-and-thirty years ego, I most positively affirm, fearlessly defying any one to disprove nay assertion. But what care the party advocates for this ? The only care they have is the promotion to office of their employers, the men who patronize them, and are by them patronized in thiir turn ; the men whose wealthy adherents are ready with their contributions as often as the call upon them goes round. and that promotion I certainly have not helped, hut hindered. This is the real charge, and not that I have changed any of my opinions, or altered by a single hair's.breadth the line of my conduct ; which they know is wholly untrue, and which, were it ever so true, they would not care one rush about, so I only supported the party and served their masters." The assertion of his own consistency leads to the mention, in a footnote, of recent attacks, and the charge that he had been his own vindicator in an anonymous and laudatory communication to the Standard" I find that some assertion to this effect has been made in a candid and liberal statement published lately in a highly respectable Conservative paper; and I am informed, for I never have read them, that numerous answers were made to it by the Whig party. prints, but without the least attempt to deny the facts, or to prove in what respect I have ever failed to support my weltknown principles. The only answer has been, the utterly false and ridiculous assertion that I had written the paper in question. It so happens that I was wholly ignorant even of its existence until after I was informed of this story that I had written it. I need hardly add, that neither directly nor indirectly had I the leasthand in the statement, or was even aware of any intention of making it ; my knowledge of the editor of the paper being confined to having heard him give his able, learned, and candid evidence before the Libel

i Law Committee n the Lords. This incident, however, is only an additional, perhaps a needless proof, how little anonymous assertion is to be trusted. No man would have set his name to so absurd an allegation." The letters close with a denunciation of Party

" Party, the abuse of party, is the master evil of our times. I speak the result of all my experience, both as a Minister, as an Opposition leader, as the dispenser of patronage, as an independent Member of Parliament, and as one of those who of the public men living has longest mixed with statesmen and been longest concerned in public affairs, when I declare it as any deliberate opinion, that the mischiefs which may he traced to this source are the very worst that threaten the state. The corruption of public morals upon questions of a political and even religious kind—the perpetration of foul injustice to individuals and to classes of men—the habituating of the people to witness such sights, and even to approve—the dissemination of falsehood—the encouragement of malice—the habit, at once dangerous to the understanding and the heart, of regardihg lightly matters of the gravest concernment, and of attaching unnatural importance to the most inconsiderable—these are the fruits of this evil plant, as regards its influence upon the people at large. To statesmen it proves as pernicious. The Government is paralysed by the impossibility of calling forth the ablest services to the use of the country, and oftentimes of holding the course most expedient for its interest or its safety. Questions are raised that may endanger the public tranquillity—raised not for their own sakes, but as the means of harassing one class of politicians or aiding another. The Ministers, who are as much bound steadily to pursue the course hest for their country's interest as judges and jurors are to decide according to the merits of the cause before them, are compelled to give way before the disturbing forces which party introduces ; and the same men who would on the bench or in the jury-box shudder at the bare idea of letting the interests of their sect or their party be as a grain of dust in the balance comMitted to their hands, are obliged to shape their public conduct by the claims, oftentimes by the clamours, of a faction. We really have reached a state of things in which may be applied to party, the curse of our day, the language employed by Mr. Pitt in describing Parliamentary corruption, the curse of his—. It makes it difficult for the country to have good Ministers, and makes it impossible for the best will to serve it."

Mr. Henry Lytton Bulwer has left Mivart's Hotel for France, to wind up his private affairs in that country, preparatory to his departure for Madrid, to succeed Mr. Arthur Aston as Minister at that Court.— Morning Chronicle.

The Reverend Dr. Pusey has returned to Oxford, with his health quite restored.

A letter from Paris, 30th September, says Mr. Dyce Sombre arrived there two days ago. He is said to be making extensive and foolish purchases from various tradesmen in Paris.—Globe.

The Whig party have lost, by the death of Mr. George William Wood, a supporter whose discreet caution and Radical-showing tendencies sometimes stood them in good stead. He died suddenly, of apoplexy, in the rooms of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society ; with which he had been connected since April 1807. Several medical gentlemen were present ; hut the instant application of the lancet to the temporal artery web followed by no flow of blood. Mr.

Wood was a native of Leeds, and is understood to have been in his sly's-sixth year. By his death a vacancy is made in the representation of Kendal.

There is yet no news of the second overland Indian mail ; but the missing mail is accounted for by the loss of the steamer Memnon. It left Bombay on the 20th July ; made a fine passage against the monsoon ; but went ashore off Cape Guardafui, on the night of the 1st August ; and the hard wind prevented the attempt to back off. The passengers and crew lauded in a boat, and marched twenty miles to the village of Uloolah. The mails, and all the goods, save five boxes of treasure that happened to be on deck, were lost. One person went mad with the heat, and dashed his brains out against a rock ; but that was the only death that occurred before the First Lieutenant left the place, in a boat, with a Midshipman, three seamen, and five passengers, for Aden ; which they reached on the 25th August. Two passengers remained at Uloolab. The East India Company's ships Clive and Charnock went over to see if they could save any thing from the wreck. The Captain Cook, a coal-vessel, was lost on the same coast, about nine miles southeast of Burnt Island. This news was brought from Aden by the Peninsular and Oriental Company's steam-ship Hindostan ; which left Calcutta on the 10th August, and arrived at Suez on the 11th September, with 108 passengers.

The Pylades, eighteen-gun sloop, which left Hong-kong on the 9th May, arrived at Devonport on the 2d instant ; but bore neither despatches nor mails.