THE MAGAZINES.

Ma. FREnEnicH GREENWOOD'S " Violent Proposal," which stands first of the three articles on South Africa in the new Nineteenth Century, is a vigorous plea for the exclusion of foreign immigration of every sort into our South African territory for some years to come. 'The proposal violates our traditions, he admits, but, on the other hand, the Policy of "bars down" will let an unlimited swarm of Aziglophobe Continentals into South Africa "at the moment when the conquered Dutch are it their sorest and most eager for sym- pathy." The effects of this influx—economic and otherwise —are traced by Mr. Greenwood with his usual ability: British settlers, he contends, will be swamped, while the underground treasure of the Rand be squandered in a mighty " boom " of five years' duration: It seems tons that between the whole- sale" Xenelasia " advocated by Mr. Greenwood, and the suicidal hospitality to all foreigners, desirable and undesirable, which he regards as the other alternative, a vigilant Administration will be able to strike a judicious balance.—Mr. P. Leys (formerly Consul-General for North Borneo) is all for the importation of Chinese labour for the Rand. Viewed in vacuo, there is, no doubt, much to recommend the proposal. But it leaves entirely out of sight the question of a growing Kaffir population deprived alike of the safety-valve of.. tribal warfare and the discipline of labour.—Sir Wemyss Reid's diary of last month is chiefly devoted to the Chamberlain-Billow episode. Sir Wemyss Reid does not mince matters in speaking of German Anglophobia, and he puts the case rather neatly by paying Aliat "in this condi- tion of besotted ignorance and prejudice, they [the Germansj peem really to have believed that Mr. Chamberlain attributed to the German army of 1810 anthe incredible atrocities which it has pleased the scribblers and caricaturists of the Fatherland to ascribe to the British army in South Africa." With regard to Count von Billow, Sir Wemyss Reid is doubly indignant,— first, for his innuendos against England ; secondly, because he has obliged good Liberals to side with Mr. Chamberlain, who, he-frankly, though somewhat ruefully, admits, "is master of the situation, and has been made stronger as a member of the Government than he' ever was before," Another .point of interest in the article is the emphasis laid an Lord Rosebery's aloofness : "Lord Rasebery has drawn a straight line of his Own,—a line as clearly distinct from that of the Liberal Imperialists on the one side as from that of Sir Henry Camp- bell-Bannerman on the other. Each side may choose to claim-

.. him as its own, but neither aide can do so with any bope ot

suceess 'so long as the Chesterfield speech remains Unamended." The lonely ploughman, then, still maintains an attitude Of 'splendid isolation. We view all these commentaries on Lord Rosebery not without Misgiving. As he himself has written Of Laid Shelburné, "Ilie good faith was always exemplary, but always in need of exPlanaticin." ClementEdwards in a very temperate article adopts a reasonable attitude on the question. of the ineorporation 'Trade-Unions. He suggeitq A new Trade-Union Act providing for two categories of Unions (I) Those who wish to be voluntary associations, and (2) those who desire to be clothed With all the attributes and CaPacities of corporations.—Mr.' Herbert Paul's paper on ," Art and Eccentricity" is four.ififtha of it excellent and pungent criti- elem. When, however, he descends to concrete instances of the "base grotesque in literature" he is grossly unfair. To disparage Mr. Kipling on the strength a the "Barrack-room Ballads" without even mentioning any other work from his pen shows a lack of perspective strange in a writer of Mr. Paul's ability.

In the Contemporary the inevitable subject of Anglo- German relations occupies the foremost place. The gist of

the article is contained in the following sentences Anglo- phobia has been endemic in the Fatherland for several years past. The Kaiser's telegram to President Kruger gave it

fresh pabulum anda strong impetus. The South African War raised it to its highest power. Nothing, therefore, that Mr. Chamberlain was capable of saying to a British audience could possibly render that animosity more envenomed." But the writer, who veils his identity under the pseudonym of " Ogniben," utters a special and much-needed word of warning in regard to the Kaiser, whom he regards as "probably the cleverest states- man of the day." "None but the heroically credulous," he contends, "can doubt that one A the motives of his visit [a year ago] was to gain by fair means that which it was impos-

sible to wrest by violeno , the satisfactory arrange- ment of the Samoan question, and our concession on the subject of the Baghdad-Anatolian railways. "The difference between his people and him is only one of ways and means. His aims are theirs. He has often made it clear that he would not hesitate a moment to translate this hatred of England into overt acts of a map-changing character if the moment were seasonable and the conditions favourable. But they are not ; hence he is forced to disregard his people's sentiments while furthering their interests." For the rest, the writer devotes a good deal of space to quotations from the frankly anti-British writings of Professor Delbriick, a personal friend of the Kaiser, whose motto would seem to be Del ends eel Britannia, and to an analysis of the recent " deals " between Germany and England, which, in his view, are all conducted on the principle (las ut non dem. Finally, after predicting that the next German move will have for its aim the estrange- ment of the United States from Great Britain, he concludes that "because Germany is resolved to be the enemy, it does not follow that any other European State is suitable or needful as an ally Self-sufficiency is an essential characteristic of a world Empire." He holds that the right way to secure this end has been indicated in Mr. Chamberlain's declaration that "we shall have to take into account the opinion of the Colonies,"—pointing, as its corollary, to a Customs Union, an inter-Colonial Parliament, and decentralisation at home. —Mr. W. M. Crook, writing as an avowed member of the .extreme Left wing, an Irishman, and a Home-ruler, replies with spirit to Mr. E. T. Cook's denunciation of the "Copper- heads;" The article is a strange mixture of moderation and violence. The Liberal Unionist party is responsible for the South African War. The House of Lords is compared to Mr. Krilger's oligarchy. Then" Russia, and in many respects Germany, is more tyrannical than the worst alleged against the South African Republic. Does that give us the right to annihilate them ? " Mr. Cook is not to be disposed of by such Arguments as these. We note, in conclusion, that Mr. Crook, in a defence of "rebels," includes in his "sainted list" with Washington, Cromwell, Milton, Hofer, Hampden, Stc., Willie Louw, a Cape rebel recently executed for murder in South Africa.—Mr. J. A. Hobson's paper on "The Restatement of Democracy" is interesting. He holds that .while there is grave danger of bureaucracy under existing conditions, there is no reason to suppose that a real democracy can dispense with a skilled official class. He regards, then, a permanent legislative service as an essential of a real democracy, "which must solve the question of conjoining legitimate authority and public use of expert politicians with a right and constant practice of instruction, suggestion, and veto through repre-

sentatives The conditions of a really effective expert officialism are two; such a real equality of educational oppor- tunities as shall draw competent officials from the whole people, and such a growth of public intelligence and -conscience as shall establish the real final control of govern- ment for society in its full organic structure."—Mr. Pennell's lively article on motors and cycles is disfigured by his astonishIngly violent tirade against the horse. We trust that this outrageous attack on the noble animal may not escape due castigation. Here is material for an excellent philippic.—Dr. E. J. Dillon's essay of "The Art and Ethics of Maxim Gorky" combines censure and praise in almcst equal degrees. We gather from Dr. Dillon that Gorky's ethics are worthless, and his art most imperfect, but that he is an interesting literary phenomenon.

In the Fortnightly Mr. Edward Dicey traces the historical connection between the Liberal party and the Boers since Mr. Gladstone's capitulation. The object of this article, "The War and the Liberals," is to show that owing to what has happened in the past there is nothing unreasonable in the

Boer belief that the Liberals would be their friends if they were in power. The post-Majuba policy left the Boers with two fixed ideas,—one was that in the field we were their inferiors, the other that whatever happened the Liberals could

be depended on to support their policy of independence and neutralise the wishes of English Imperialists. That the Boers had many reasons to justify their belief we have only to remember the following incidents as stated by Mr. Dicey, —Mr. Gladstone's recall of Sir Bartle Frere, and the consequent abandonment of the scheme for the federation of South Africa, followed by the inglorious peace of 1881. Of this peace Mr. Dicey says: "The Volksraad, which was convoked to ratify the Conven- tion, declined to do so for many weeks, on the plea that the terms were not such as the Transvaal had a right to demand ; and it was only after Mr. Gladstone had intimated to the Boer leaders that he would be prepared to modify the treaty later on if it proved in any respect unsatisfactory, that the Volksraad ratified the Convention on the 14th October, 1881." After this came the disastrous muddling of Lord Derby when remodelling the Convention. Instead of a plain definition, a muddy mixture of words was arrived at which each side interpreted in a way the other could not agree to. So the tale runs till we come to the support given to the enemies of the country by a Liberal faction, and the half- hearted support of the national policy by the bulk of the party. Mr. Dicey asks, Can it be wondered at that people as ignorant as the Boers should be incapable of appreciating that the national growth of the Imperialistic idea is too strong now to be put aside by the traditional Liberal policy A Bismarck en Pantoufles" is a clever study of Count von Billow by "Polies." The main idea is that the German Chancellor is an amateur and a feuilletonist who has succeeded in throw- ing away a very promising situation for his country by pandering to German Anglophobia and indulging in cheap " scores " and unveracious diplomatic triumphs. For some time past England has made advances to Germany and shown a conciliatory, not to say wooing, attitude. This the Chancellor took for a sign of weakness, and in his speech after Colenso he significantly quoted Lord Salisbury's dictum that the weak nations were becoming weaker and the strong stronger. He inferred that our apology for the seizure of the Bundesrath was extorted, not freely given. Then came the agreement with us about the integrity of China, which when made was at once explained to Russia to be merely a plan for limiting England's influence on the Yangtse, and not for interfering in Man- churia. Last of all comes the complete disillusionment of England by the speech lecturing Mr. Chamberlain. After these successive episodes, what hope is there that England will give a friendly hand to Germany in realising dreams of world. policy ; furthermore, is an understanding between us and Russia, which the action of Germany has made possible, desired at Berlin P—Dr. Todhunter discusses "Blank Verse on the Stage," with the hope of making actors realise how important it is for them to have a sense of metre if they wish to do justice to the poetic drama. He points out most truly that an actor cannot hope to realise and interpret the true meaning of a passage in Shakespeare unless he can give the true rhythm of the lines. The more subtle the meaning the more subtle the sound. The actor's knowledge of elocution from the high standpoint of verse is usually primitive, and therefore the only passages as a rule which are tolerably enun- ciated are those in which the passion is strong and marked, and so likewise the verse. But when it comes to a play like Twelfth Night, inability to understand and give forth all the subtle harmonies of the verse results—as in a recent revival of the play—in the absence of the poetic emotion and inner meaning of the work. Some actors seem to try very hard to make verse Born I like prose, and as Dr. Todhunter says, "this astonishing feat is sometimes accom. plished by the skilful employment of perverted ingenuity in evading the rhythm."

The National Review maintains its prestige as the British organ par excellence of "world-politics." Anglo-German relations claim prominence here as in the other reviews, and are treated with epigrammatic incisiveness by the well-known Jewish publicist, Dr. Max Nordau, in his paper on "Con- tinental .Anglophobia." Inquiries into the origin of the Continental hatred of England, as Dr. Nordan evidently lealises, ara of less importance than the consideration of its practical meaning,,—in a word, whether it should be allowed to influence English policy, and what should be the nature of that influence. Here his advice is summed up in the observa-

tion that England is too strong to be nervous because insulting remarks are shouted at her from a distance. " Anglophobia has nowhere assumed the form of actions of which the English people and English Government are compelled to take cognisance." There Dr. Max Nordin' has misread the significance of the alai, e Billow, which has made even Glad- stonian. Liberals side with (Mr. Chamberlain, and stirred the indignation of Canada and Australasia. He is absurdly incorrect, as we show in another column of our present issue, in regarding the cult of Joan of Arc as a cause of Anglophobia in France. It is largely a modern cult, and it numbers as fervent devotees in England as in France. —The article on "The Problem of Vienna," by "Free Lance," should be read in connection with Sir Rowland Blennerhassett's "A British Tribute to Hungary." "Free Lance" expresses a hope that Austria's difficulty will prove Hungary's opportunity—but in a sense opposed to that usually conveyed by the saying—i.e., that she will come to the rescue, as in the days of Maria Theresa, and so "acquire a certain lead in the monarchy that might amply compensate her for imprac-

ticable dreams of separate national existence." For the rest, the writer believes that while the language problem is by no means an insuperable difficulty, there is a growing conviction amongst the sanest Austrians that the Parliamentary dead-, lock can only be ended by a resumption of absolute power by the Crown. He further contends that Austria will never have a fair, chance until she is rid of the incubus of the Triple Alliance, which is now regarded with common hostility by Hungarians, Poles, and Czechs. Sir Rowland Blenner- hassett's article is more retrospective and historical, but he emphasises the contrast between Hungary's attitude to Great Britain over the war in South Africa and that of the other Continental Powers, and dwells on the reasons, senti- mental and otherwise, for our taking a warmer interest in Hungary's well-being.—No one should miss the interestkg forecast of the coming General Election in France by M. Comely, the late editor of the Figaro, who gives 31. Waldeck-Rousseau the comfortable majority of a hundred votes ; or Mr. Leslie Stephen's delightful genial essay on William Godwin's novels. It is not given to every essayist to render a bore interesting, but Mr. Stephen has succeeded triumphantly.—Sir Vincent Caillard, in a long paper on Imperial Finance, copiously illustrated with tables and diagrams, paves the way to an attack on the citadel of Free-trade. The central thesis of the present paper is contained in the following paragraph My contention is that (naturally within limits, for if the whole world were at war, trade would cease) it is a state of war, and not, as is almost always contended, a state of peace, in great countries other than herself, which favours the trade of Great Britain; that our prosperity between 1860 and 1872 was there- fore largely due to the wars of other countries, and less than its advocates believe to the blessings of free trade; and that the change from a period of continual wars which crippled one or other of our competitors. retarded their development, and threw a portion of their trade into our hands, to a period of prolonged peace, is one which has so altered for us the, conditions of compe- tition, that it is vain for us to imagine that because a certain fiscal system may have been good for us then, it must therefore ince' sarily be good for us now, and for all time."

Blackwood has another instalment of "On the Heels of De Wet," which is excellent reading. If the state of things described actually existed there is no wonder that the Boer General was not caught last time. The cavalry brigade at whose birth we assisted in the former article is shown us preparing to start, and we are told how the Intelligence officer walked out into the dark from a veld railway station for the purpose of organising an Intelligence Department for the

brigade. How it was to be done he did not know. Happily he stumbled upon a Colonial trooper of Rimington's, who

proceeded to create the Department on the spot But this improvisation was hardly adequate, though carried out in a most spirited way by the " tiger " at it Boer farm, while the officer let out important information by mistake to the daughter of the farmer, who was on commando in the neigh..

bonrhood. The narrative is accompanied by a map of De Wet's invasion "from the note-book of a Staff officer," which shows both the line De Wet ought to have taken and the line he did take. Had he acted as he was expected to do, the plan for catching him was excellent ! but he did nothing of the kind. The writer in very severe on the high military authorities who make plans and expect them to be can led out perfectly by people whom they have only supplied with imperfect means, as, for instance, the Intelligence Department here described.—" Prospecting on the Gem. fields of Australia" is a curious account of the awful desert, with its heat and want of water, a desert which, as the writer says, Nature has ironically strewn with jewels. Opal is the gem sought in the camps described by the writer. This is found by digging at no great depth. The heat and dryness described seem worse than the Arctic cold of Klondyke. Curiously enough, the best means of travelling in this waste. is by bicycle, as it needs no drink.—" Linesman's" description of the two battles of Pieter's Hill is vivid to an extraordinary degree. The style does not err on the side of simplicity, but the power is undoubted with which these awful days of bombardment and fighting are described. Few things we have read about the war are more terrible, but the writer, who was there, intimates that it is nothing to what he could say if he told all. There is something ghastly in the account of the duel between the English officer and the old Boer, each behind his shelter of stones. We should greatly like to hear an account of the bombardment of the Boer trench before the final rush, from the defenders' side. According to "Linesman," this trench became a volcano of exploding shells of the most appalling kind, but yet the Boers stood in the midst of the explosions and fired at our advancing soldiers. The author says the Boers boasted they would go to the sea, but instead the seamen came to them with their long guns in that awful bombardment.

The Monthly Review in its editorial columns applies a soothing poultice to the feelings of the public injured by Mr. Kipling's burning lines. Even if we do not wish to accept the poet's remedy unreservedly, we do not want to minimise the possibility of a disease. The editor seems to admit that there is much truth in the indictment, but also that there is much to be said on the other side. This is no doubt a truly British way of looking at the case, but one that does not always advance matters.—Lord Carlisle in his paper on "Public House Trusts urges that it will not do to run away with the idea that because Lord Grey's system alolishes private profit, therefore we can trust to it entirely to solve the great and palpable difficulties of licensing reform.—The "Station Study" by a "British Official in East Africa" gives a curious insight into the working of one of the cog-wheels of the great machine. Life for the official seems to alternate violently between the extremes of red-tape when dealing with superior officials, and the common-sense administration of justice when dealing with natives and Indian settlers. These last seem to have an unbounded belief in the official's power. The two following telegrams, no farther information being given, seem to assume omniscience on the part of the official. " Issa run away with my rifle anywhere." "Ram Singh escaped with my wife and property. Please return property." No means of identifying rifle or property were thought to be wanted. Petitions, too, afford entertainment. The petitioner who began his letter with "Honoured Enormity" little thought what a phrase of wide application he was inventing.