hntrn nuh1Sturrthfgri it Vartinnatut PRINCIPAL HUSINEVO O P THE WEEK.

HIE OF tax63. .3foneity, March 3. Iiinisterial Restoration ; Explanations by Lord Lansdowne—Papal Ag'grossion ; Opinions of Lord Brougham and other Peers, Ttiesday, March 4. Transportation to Van Dienten's Land ; Petition presented by Lord Monteagle; Earl Grey's Defence. Thursday, March 6. Insurreedon in Cafferland ; Questions by Lord Monteagle, Answers by Earl Grey—Income-tax ; Resolutions by Lord Brougham. Friday, March 7. County Courts Extension; Bill introduced by Lord Brougham.

Hooss or COMMONS. Monday, March 3. Ecclesiastical Titles Bill; Petition of the Irish Roman Catholic Prelates—Colonial Government; Sir William Molesworth's notice of Motion—Ministerial Restoration ; Explanations by Lord John Russell on his return to office.

Friday. March 7. Caffre War ; Questions and Ministerial Answers—County Con- stituency; Mr. Locke King's Bill brought in—Public Business; Statement by Lord John Russell—Ecclesiastical Titles Bill; Statement of Alterations by Sir George Grey ; second reading postponed till Friday next—Vice-Chancellor's Bill, rend a second time.

TIME- TABLE.

The Lords. The Commas.

Hour of Hour of Hour of Hoar or Meeting. Adjournment. Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday 55 6h 30m Monday 4h .... 6h or

Tuesday 5h Oh Ibm Tuesday No Atting. Wednesday No sitting. Wednesday No sitting.

Thursday bh . . in 45m Thursday No stglag. Friday bh 75 15m Friday 411 .... 85 4553 Sittings this Week, 4; Time, 5h 45m Sittings this Week, 2 ; Time, ett Wen

— this Session, 19; -- 9bh 50m this Session, 19 ; 951t 4'6en

THE Mnrisimum, Cams.

In the House of Peers, on Monday, the Marquis of Lezesnowern laid upon the table " a report from a certain board of Commissioners," and then made the following statement on the Ministerial metamorphosis.

" My Lords, I may as well, in laying this report on the table, and before I move the adjournment of the House, discharge my duty by acquainting your Lordships, that in the circumstances of the present moment, and after the failure of three successive schemes for the construction of a new Ad-. ministration, her Majesty, after duly reflecting upon the situation in which she was placed by that failure, has been pleased to call upon those of her Ministers who had been recently in office to resume those offices, and to en- deavour, at least, to carry on the government of the country. My Lords, that step upon the part of her Majesty was not taken without hill and dtie deliberation ; and I have the authority of her Majesty to state, that having during the time she was so pausing had recourse to the advice and opinion of a noble and illustrious Duke, the most distinguished member of this House— and who is now sitting at your Lordships' table—both his advice and his opinion were in conformity with that step. Under thete eircemstencee, I have to inform your Lordships that her Majesty's late Ministers have thought that they had no alternative but to undertake the task thus, of ne- cessity almost, devolving upon them. Having made that etatelnent, I may be permitted to add, what I am sure your Lordships will readily believe, that no person laments more deeply than I do the existence of those differences of opinion, which it is obvious to your Lordships, and is well khoeen to the public and the world, have prevented the construction of a new, a stronger, and a more effective Administration. ("Hear, hear!" from Lord Brougham.) If there were one wish that I could entertain as an individual more strongly than another, or if there were one thing which it would give me more satisfaction than any other, either in or out of office, if possible by any effort of mine to contribute to effect, it would be to put an end to tiny of those difficulties which have proved obstacles to the construction of that which is thought most desirable for the interests of the country—a strotig and an effective Administration."

The Duke of ARGYLL, in presenting some petitions from Scotland on the subject of the Papal aggression, took the opportunity to offer some remarks on the general topic. The Papal aggression has no reference to Scotland : the Prelate§ of the Roman Catholic Church in that country are now in the position of Vieart- Apostolic : but the feeling aroused there is nevertheless so strong and per- vading, that if a dissolution of Parliament had taken place with a view to. call forth a popular demonstration on the subject, the difficulty in Scotland would have been, not to rouse the feeling of the people but to restrain it within due and moderate bounds. All the petitions he presented proceeded on the principle, that although they were bound to tolerate the Roman Ca- tholic religion, yet they were not bound to tolerate every assumption of the Roman Catholic Church. Every civil government has felt it necessary to curb and restrain the free action of the Roman Catholic Church when in its full career. The petitioners also unanimously assume that no one of the pretensions of the Roman Catholic Church has ever been passed by or aban- doned ; and they refer to the proceedings of the Romish Church tlueetig,hotit the Continent, for evidence of the temper in which any power it might gain would be exercised in this country. Lord Aberdeen, in his speech on Friday last, seemed to intimate that the best course for the Ministry to pursue would be to pass over the affair quietly, as he regards the aggression with contempt more than any other feeling : the Duke of Argyll, on the contrary, thinks the Roman Catholic Church by no means a contemptible power, but one able and calculated to exercise the most baneful influence on the social and political interests of the country. Under the particular eircemstances- looking to the high principle and the incorruptible faith exhibited in the attempts which had been made to form a Ministry—the Duke rejoiced at the failure. He rejoiced that no Government had been formed in England on the basis of passing over in total silence an act that had been proved to be an aggression against the public law of Europe, and against the spirit if not the letter of the municipal law of England, and above all, an aggression which, if passed over, would infallibly lead to further encroachments on this country, which would in the end be plunged into the contest with the grievous disadvantage of being hampered by fatal admissions and faint- hearted acquiescence. Lord BROUGHAM presented petitions from Ireland against the Ecclesias- tical Titles Bill.

Those petitions lavished on that bill all the expressions of reprobation which it was possible to employ : he could not be expected to go along with them in those expressions, and would at present express no opinion on the bill; but nothing he had yet heard had shaken his opinion. Just on account of the statement made by his noble friend with reference to the establish- ment of a strong Government, and just on account of what they had been told of the feelings of the people of Ireland and Scotland, he implored her Majesty's Government to pause before they reject the advice not to proceed to legislate, at least at present, on this subject, but to be satisfied with a re- solution of both Houses of Parliament. That court: would be attended with two inestimable advantages. It would postpone for the present that religious agitation, the worst of all agitations, which is tearing society to Irietei3 Oil both sides of the Channel, though in opposite directions ; it would postpone, at least, if it did not altogether allay it. It would avoid the constant re- newal of that agitation and acerbity of feeling that at present too much, he might say too fatally, prevail on both sides of the Channel; and it Would

give time for what he has always thought called for, and what the events of the last few days have added infinite force to—the necessity of further in- quiry, of fuller and more accurate information respecting all the matters in- volved in the question.

The Earl of ABERDEEN corrected the Duke of Argyll's misapprehension that he had recommended that the aggression should be allowed to pass off without any notice, and as it were in silence.

On the contrary, he particularly mentioned, in the few words he ad- dressed to their Lordships the other night, that he thought it might pro- perly engage the attention of her Majesty's Government, and even the at- tention of Parliament; and in saying so. he referred to the view he had ex- pressed to Lord Stanley before the meeting of Parliament, that in his opinion Um proper mode of dealing with this subject was precisely that which had been recommended by Lord Brougham—namely, by resolution on the part of both Houses of Parliament carried to the foot of the Throne; but that he did not think it was a fit subject of legislation. He was much mistaken if the experience of their Lordships and the other House of Parliament do not convince them of the difficulty of legislation on this subject. The noble Lord who is again at the head of the Government has already proposed to alter the bill very materially ; and Lord Aberdeen believed that, as further advances are made in the prosecution of the measure, it will be found, as in all eases of the kind, that greater difficulties will daily arise.

In the House of Commons, also on Monday, the Ministerial statement embraced announcements as to the course that is to be pursued ; and the brief conversational debate which ensued touched on other topics than the main one. Lord Joms RUSSELL spoke as follows.

"Since I last addressed the House, the public has been put in possession of a statement made by Lord Stanley with respect to his attempts to form a Government, and the reasons why those attempts were not successful. It is not my intention to make any comment on those reasons; but I feel it right —especially after the rumours which have been spread on this subject—to say that it appears perfectly clear that Lord Stanley had full power and op- portunity to form a Government, and that no request he thought it reason- able to make was denied him in the progress of his negotiations. I stated on Friday last, that her Majesty had been pleased to send for the Duke of Wel- lington, in order to learn his opinion on the present state of affairs. The Queen saw the Duke of Wellington on Saturday, and late yesterday evening her Majesty received a written communication from his Grace. I had the honour of an audience of the Queen this morning at twelve o'clock ; and, her Majesty having received the opinion of the Duke of Wellington, that, in the present state of affairs, the best course her Majesty could pursue was to invite her former Ministers to resume office, her Majesty was placed to desire that her former Ministers should resume their offices aocorduigly. After what has occurred—after the failure of the repeated attempts which have been made to form a Government, as has been stated to the House—I and my colleagues thought that we could not perform our duty to her Majesty and the country otherwise than by accepting the offer which her Majesty had been pleased to make. Having entered so fully the other day into the subjects which have recently formed matter of debate, I will only say now, that I trust the House will allow us till Friday next before proceeding with matters of public debate ; by which means we shall have an opportunity of considering the various measures we purpose introducing, and the state of

jo business generally. I purpose proceeding with the Ecclesiastical itles Assumption Bill on Friday ; and my right honourable friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department, on moving the second reading of that bill, will state what amendments and alterations it is intended to make in it when it shall go into Committee. I therefore propose that the second reading of the bill shall be fixed for Friday, with the intention of taking it as the first order of the day. Before, however, proceeding with the orders of the day on Friday, I will state the course which the Govern- ment mean to pursue with respect to other business before the House—as far, at least, as fixing the time at which it shall be brought under consideration. On that occasion I will answer the question put to me the other day, which I was not then in a position to answer, as to the time at which we shall proceed with the Budget. On Friday I shall be prepared to state the day on which the Budget will come on, and the course which we are pre- pared to pursue on that subject. I now move that the order of the day for the second reading of the Ecclesiastical Titles Assumption Bill be post- poned to Friday next."

To the inquiry by Mr. OSBORNE; "Does the noble Lord intend to per- sist in the Budget ?" Lord JOHN RUSSELL only replied by referring to what would be heard on Friday next. "It would be exceedingly wrong," he said, "in the present state of public business, to enter into further ex- planations." The demand of Mr. KEOGH for ample time to consider the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill in its amended shape, Lord JOHN met with the assurance that he would be "ready to make any reasonable concession ; but he apprehended there is no occasion to delay the second reading of the bill."

A discursive conversation followed ; in the course of which, Mr. MIL- HER GIBSON marked the declaration of Lord Stanley, that they are ill- informed and ill-prepared to legislate upon the question, though it is one above all others in which legislation should be preceded by cautious and deliberate inquiry. Mr. JOHN REYNOLDS ventured to say, without using language that could be construed into a threat," that he defied Lord John to pass the bill : the Irish Catholic Members are resolved to offer the most strenuous opposition to the bill of pains and penalties against themselves, and they will make common cause with the Catholics of England, and not accept for themselves exemption from penalties which are to be im- posed on their English brethren. Mr. MOORE echoed the prayer for "time to consider "— He did think it was not unimportant to urge upon a bewildered House and a ruffled Administration the necessity of taking time—the one to recover its senses, and the other again to try its wing before entering upon a course of legislation which more than any other requires serenity of mind and an in- formed judgment. If the Government and the House are prepared to legis- late upon the subject of the assumption of titles, it is surely right that, at all events, they should not embark without chart and pilot upon the troubled and unknown sea in which the Administration has already foundered, and in which some of the most experienced and "ancient mariners" have declined to spread their sails. Lord Joins MANNERS stepped forward with a sort of pledge for his

PtYar-

Looking to the peculiar circumstances under which the reconstruction of the Cabinet has taken place, he was sure he gave expression to the universal feeling of Members on the Opposition side of the House, in assuring the noble Lord, that from them would proceed no factious or unnecessary oppo- sition to his policy. But, while expressing the general feeling on his side of the House, he felt it necessary to say, that should their assent be asked to any measures in antagonism to their general principles—whether with re- spect to finance or the great social and industrial questions which have al- ready occupied the attention of the House for several days—it would be

their unpleasant duty to withhold it. Nay, more, he thought he might say, that should Ministers unfortunately take no notice of the agricultural dis- tress, acknowledged by her Majesty's advisers, he had little doubt that at a fitting opportunity, so as not to interfere with the conduct of publie buai- ness, the honourable Member for Buckinghamshire would ask the opinion of the House on sonic measure which would have for its object the relief of that admitted distress.

Mr. WAxsEr treated with sarcasm the assurance that there should be no factious or unnecessary opposition : "considering the decapitated state of that party, the pledge was not worth much."

Lord Stanley had certainly shrunk from office on account of the regi- ment with which he was connected. But Mr. Wukley gave him great credit for his frank declaration of policy : he thought he had acted a noble and manly part—a part which entitled him not only to the wannest approbation of Members of that assembly but the warmest commendation of the country. The House of Commons had a right to expect from the noble Lord at the head of the Government candour equal to that which had been displayed by the noble Lord in the other House.

Some returns were ordered for Mr. WILLIAMS ; and the House adjourned till Friday.

TRANSPORTATION TO VAN DIEMEN'S' LAND.

Lord MONTEAGLE presented a petition from Van Diemen's Land, most numerously and respectably signed, which opened up the whole question of the transportation of convicts to that important colony.

The petition stated, that at the opening of the Legislative Council in 1848, Sir William Denison announced that it was the decision of the Government that the transportation to Van Diemen's Land should not be resumed at the expiration of the two years which had been fixed by the previous arrange- ment as the limit. This expression of the intentions of Government was in perfect accordance with the wishes of a large portion of the free inhabit- ants, and it encouraged the immigration of many thousands of free settlers. But the pledges of the Government were broken, and the expectations of the colonists disastrously disappointed ; for an arrangement was made by the Government by which that colony became the sole receptacle of convicts from this country.. The population of Van Diemen's Land is 70,000; and of this number less than one half—only 32,172—are free. The enormous proportion of the convict population has destroyed the best hopes of the co- lonists, and has had the effect, anticipated years before, of driving out of the colony a large portion of the free population and free immigrants, and lower- ing the rate of wages compared with other colonies. But the question of the expediency or inexpediency of transporting convicts to Van Du men's Land, important as that matter is, is by no means so important as the question whether the Government of this country has or has not been guilty of bad faith towards the inhabitants of that colony. In laying these complaints before the House, Lord Monteagle felt bound to state, that the difficulties of Van Diemen's Land had been augmented as much by the action of Parlia- ment as by any acts either of Lord Grey or of those who had preceded him in office. Parliament, not acting upon any definite plan, not con- sidering the consequences which one step would have upon another, had from time to time made such sudden and unexpected alterations of system, that the colonists were always placed at a disadvantage. The subject is of the very deepest importance, and well worth the most serious consideration of their Lordships. The House could not but remember the case of the Cape of Good Hope, where an ineffectual attempt was made to introduce a body of convicts sent from this country ; and it was to be feared that the example then set might produce bad results in other cases. Indeed, there was reason to apprehend that the people of Van Diemen's Land might be led to take stops, not following the example of the Cape indeed, but still such steps ge would render the future introduction of convicts into any part of that colony utterly impossible.

Earl GREY observed, that the subject was so fully discussed last year that he might now be very brief.

He again denied, in the most explicit manner, the justice of the charge of

a breach of faith. It was most true that an intention existed of putting an end to transportation as it had been previously carried on to Van Diemen's Land. In every despatch laid on the table of that House and before the Le- gislature of Van Diemen's Land for the information of the colonists, it was invariably stated that the intention of the Government was not to continue transportation as it had previously existed. Ile would not deny that it was possible that in writing sonic of those despatches and making statements to the House there may have been expressions used, that, taken by themselves, separately from the statements of which they formed a part, were capable of being represented as announcing an intention of putting an end to transpor- tation altogether; but no man who read those despatches AB a whole could fail to perceive, that from first to last it had always been the view of the Go- vernment, that while the greater part of the sentence of transportation was to be inflicted in this country, it was always to form part of the system, that convicts, after having undergone a large portion of their punishment here, were afterwards to be removed to the Australian Colonies. Besides, her Ma- jesty's Government are bound to attend to the express opinion of Parlia- ment. This subject was discussed in both Houses of Parliament, and a strong opinion was expressed as to the necessity of some modification of the views of the Government : it was the duty of her Majesty's Government, when such a modification was called for, to conform to the wishes of Parlia- ment.

Having vindicated himself, Lord Grey expressed his concurrence in what

Lord Monteagle had said as to the hardship and injustice inflicted on the colony by the course adopted from 1840 to 1845. But for that, neither he nor his predecessors were responsible so much as Parliament ; for the plans of the Government were deranged by an address to the Crown adopted by the other House of Parliament, calling upon the Crown to remove from this country large numbers of convicts. Ile thought this measure was adopted by the other House very rashly and very inconsiderately and he could not acquit the Government of the day of not having called upon the House of Commons, in adopting that measure, to vote the money that was necessary to make arrangements in Van Diemen's Land for so large a number of con- victs. He regretted what then took place ; but all they could now do was to take a lesson from past errors and endeavour to correct them for the future. But while Lord Monteagle had spoken of the existence of a strong feeling

on the part of the colonists of Van Diemen's Land against the introduction of convicts, he did not advert to the prevalence of different feelings among other colonists. Lord Grey supplied the omission. In Western Australia, there is an unanimous desire on the part of the colonists that we should begin to send convicts there. In the Northern portion of New South Wales, there is also an unanimous feeling in favour of convicts being sent over, as they had found the services of this class of persons exceedingly useful as stockmen and shepherds. From the accounts of what had passed in the Legislature of New South Wales, it appeared that in August last there was an eager debate on the question whether convicts holding tickets of les ve should remain in any part of the colony or not. After a lengthened debate, the division was so close that the question being raised in the form of motion to adjourn the discussion for a month, the numbers were thirteen on the one side and thirteen on the other. The Speaker gave his vote in favour of the adjournment. At the end of the month, an address to the Crown against receiving convicts was passed. But, if such were the feeling at the time it might be anticipated, that when the bill of last year came into opera- tion and the colonies were divided, the result would be different. The Port Phillip members, who would in future be removed from the Legislature of New South Wales and sit in that of Victoria, voted as a body against re- ceiving convicts at all while of the New South Wales representatives a ma- jority were in favour of the reception of convicts. He trusted the colonists of New South Wales would not be so blind to their own true interests, and the interest of this country, as to refuse receiving convicts. The act of last year contained a clause by which her Majesty, on the petition of the North- ern district of Australia, might be able to separate it into a distinct colony. As he believed every single individual who had property in that part of the colony wished to have the advantage of convict labour again, he had no doubt, if the Legislature of New South Wales refused to open that colony to convict labour, Northern Australia would avail itself of the powers given by the act of last year, and apply for a division of the colony with the view of obtaining the supply of labour which they so urgently require.

With respect to Van Diemen's Land, though be was sorry to say that his 'latest accounts show the existence of a strong feeling against the reception of convicts, yet those accounts give the clearest evidence that the colony is rising from its depressions. New sources of employment are springing up—as shipbuilding, for which the magnificent timber and fine harbours of the co- lony offer the greatest encouragement ; commerce is extending ; the demand for labour is increasing ; crime is remarkably on the decrease ; and the re- venue, especially the land-revenue, is on the rise.

INSURRECTION IN CAFFERLAND.

The serious news from the Cape of Good Hope was made the basis of some questionings by Lord MONTEAGLE on Thursday. Earl Gray an- swered to the following effect.

His official information only extends to the 30th December, but "through the kindness of some gentlemen in town" he has been "favoured with a sight of the Graham's Town papers"—whose contents are now known to everybody through the London daily journals. He collects from those sources, that "in spite of some acts of insubordination, Sir Harry Smith thought that no general resistance would be offered in Caffraria to the au- thority of the Colonial Government." The military force has not been re- duced below the amount which Sir Harry Smith considered sufficient ; and in respect of munitions the colony is in a very different position from that in which it was placed during the last war. "Measures, however, were in progress for despatching reinforcements to the Cape."

Lord STANLEY pressed closer the inquiries about the military resources of Sir Harry Smith—

The noble Earl had stated that the colony was in a better position for war than on a former occasion, and that the fortified places were garrisoned by our soldiers : but Lord Stanley was afraid he must infer, from the noble Earl's answer, that the whole of the troops were not more than sufficient to garrison these posts. Reinforcements were to be sent from this country ; but a considerable time must elapse before they could reach the scene of action ; and therefore he should be glad to know what amount of force had been reduced within the last two years ?

Earl GREY reminded the House, that when he took office he found the Caffre war in active progress ; and that large reinforcements were sent out.

The reduction had brought back the force to what it was previously. He was sorry to say that it was impossible for him to judge of the measures and intentions of Sir Harry Smith ; because he was in Caffraria, and the only in- formation relative to his proceedings was derived from the Graham's Town newspapers. He must say, however, that this outbreak was so unexpected, that many British traders had been surprised in Caffraria, and had fallen a sacrifice to the ferocity of the natives ; and he feared there was reason to de- plore most barbarous murders of settlers in the villages. It was stated that a number of Caffres went to some of these villages, where they were most hospitably received, and at a given signal the savages rushed upon their hosts, and murdered a very large number of them.

EXPENSES OF COLONIAL GOVERNMENT.

Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTLI has promised to move the following resolu- tions, on the 13th- " 1. That it is the opinion of the House that steps should be taken to re- lieve this country as speedily as possible from its present civil and military expenditure on account of those Colonies which are neither military stations nor convict settlements.

"2. That it is expedient at the same time to give to the inhabitants of those Colonies ample powers for their local self-government, and to free them from that Imperial interference with their affairs which is inseparable from their present military occupation."

ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES: 41.101IN 'WHALE."

Mr. MACCULLAGH presented a petition from the Roman Catholic Arch- bishops and Prelates of Ireland against the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. The notable feature of this petition was, that all the signatures were those of the Christian and surname of each Prelate ; the customary signature of "John Tuam" becoming here, in harmony with the rest—" John M`Hale."