Manifesto for a 1966 Election

By REGINALD MAUDLING, MP

WHETHER it comes with the spring or the autumn, 1966 is almost certain to see a general election. The Conservative party will launch an all-out attack on the sorry record of he Labour government. But the electorate will Also expect to see the Conservative alternative expressed clearly and in the round. A great deal of work has been done by the policy groups since the last election. What will be needed to complete it is a theme to bind all details together, a :lear and distinctive expression of Conservative philosophy to appeal to the judgment and percep- tion of the British people. What should it be?

In more than a year of Opposition there has been time to stand back from the day-to-day pressure of events and decisions and make a clear appraisal of the general state of the nation. This process, so difficult for any party amidst the turmoil of present-day government, should be the basis for our future philosophy. Three things stand out clearly from any such appraisal: first, the rapid progress made by our society in recent years; second, those backwaters that pro- gress has as yet passed by; and third, the posi- tively harmful consequences that in some cases progress itself has brought. Any policy adequate to Britain's needs in the 'sixties and 'seventies must pay attention to all three factors.

The progress is easy to see for anyone who looks with an unbiased eye. There are the obvious signs of economic advance: the goods in the shops, the increased facilities for leisure, the motors, the children's clothes and toys, the quan- tities and quality of food that comes from the corners of the earth. Vast housing schemes and new methods of construction have changed our environment. Modern school buildings show dramatic improvement on the previous genera- tion. Production has expanded greatly. Invest- ment is at a record level. The advance of science and technology has been gathering pace. All in all, living standards have advanced more in the last fifteen years than they did in the previous fifty.

Abroad the transition from Empire to Com- monwealth has been achieved with remarkable success. This has been the greatest act of volun- tary withdrawal in history, and its effect upon our national psychology is not yet fully under- stood. Recent years have seen a transformation in the prospects for peace in Western Europe, and revived hopes of an understanding between the West and Russia. Freedom of travel on a prodigious scale is carrying the spread of ideas and civilisations across the national frontiers.

At home there has been a steady growth of tolerance, an abiding love of liberty and a firm rejection of Communist dictatorship. There is a new passion for education. Interest in the arts grows rapidly. The duty to care for others in need, at home and abroad, has never been more clearly recognised.

These are the gains we have made. But in the process many have been left behind. State assistance often fails those who need it most. The problems of many, the children of fatherless families for example, have been passed by. The squalor and ugliness of many of our cities remain unchanged. There are frequent examples of backwardness in industry, of reluctance on the part of managements to introduce the latest methods and machinery, and of determination on the part of trade unions to cling to out-of-date customs. Our system of government centrally, and even more locally, has failed to develop with the times.

There are problems, too, that have developed with progress itself. Some are economic. Infla- tion is proceeding faster than ever. Taxation is certainly at a record level. The position of sterling as a reserve currency continues to involve great problems.

With the withdrawal from Empire and the realisation of the overwhelming strength of the super-powers our eyes have turned inwards, and there has been a sad loss of interest in the world outside. Cynicism, particularly about the Com- monwealth, and unwillingness to face Britain's overseas responsibilities, have grown apace.

At home the counterpart of expansion and full employment is clearly to be seen : slack manage- ment and lack of attention to the needs of the consumer on the one hand, restrictive practices and wild-cat strikes on the other. The counter- part of tolerance is to be seen in the growth of crime, the crude commercialism of much public entertainment and the constant exploitation of crime and sex in the press.

I believe there is one factor that underlies this situation. It is a growing sense of lack of purpose, a diminishing sense of discipline and responsi- bility. In a society becoming steadily more anony- mous, in a world where the individual at the same time feels he has lessening opportunities to con- tribute to society, and growing opportunity to rely on society for his needs, it is not surprising that individual responsibility and individual rights have become clouded over. Surely the key lies here. The old disciplines have gone—mass unem- ployment and grinding poverty. Nothing as yet has been found to replace them. Yet a society without discipline is a society without purpose or prospects. The contrast between the Labour party and the Conservatives lies in our attitude to this challenge. Labour seek an answer by increas- ing the central control and initiative of the state. We rely on stimulating the sense of purpose and responsibility of the individual, within a self- reliant society.

The assets upon which we have to work are inspiring. The balance of terror in nuclear weapons holds out the first prospect of lasting peace that mankind has even seen. The new vistas of Europe are exciting. Science and technology reach up to the moon and down to the inmost secrets of matter. We have an immensely strong economic base. The younger generation now growing up in this country are as enterprising, as questioning and as anxious to serve as any Britain has ever seen. We must give priority to increasing economic efficiency : achievement depends on resources. Despite recent advances in management practice there is a long way still to go. Competition and , incentive must be our watchwords. But competi- tion and incentive are not enough unless there is a readiness to respond to them. At present steeply progressive taxation blunts the edge of effort. It must be changed. But more important than this there must be fuller recognition of the. contribution of individual business leaders to the well-being of the country as a whole. Responsi- bility to achieve efficiency and maximise output must go hand in hand with a proper recognition of the services leadership renders to the com- munity. Similarly with the trade unions. Here the law must clearly be revised and brought in line with modern conditions. In that revision nothing can be more important than ensuring proper recognition for the rights of the individual as a trade union member, and for the responsi- bilities of trade unions, collectively and individu- ally, to honour their bargains and to refrain from using their monopoly bargaining power to exploit the community. This after all is the essence of an incomes policy : the maintenance of stable costs, by encouraging productivity and exercising res- ponsibility and restraint, against the background of proper economic management.

In Europe we must be prepared to make another major effort to find a solution, and it is encouraging to see signs now of a change in the hitherto inflexible French outlook. By joining the European Common Market we shall do more than unify Europe and strengthen our economy. We shall reinforce our position within the Com- monwealth and, perhaps most important of all, we shall be bringing nearer the prospect of a . tripartite agreement between the three great power groupings to whom peace and consolida- tion are now all important—Europe, the US and the USSR.

Running through our domestic policy there should be the theme of responsibility and oppor- tunity. We must reverse the decisions of the Labour party which have reduced incentives both to individuals and to companies. We must once again give encouragement to individual thrift, for example by increasing the amounts people can save without losing state benefits. Through- out the social services, as Mr. Heath's speech last week underlined, our theme must be to assist individuals to care for themselves and to con- centrate

state aid where it is most needed. The causes of crime must be tackled at their roots, by developing a sense of social responsibility and a feeling of social contribution in our education system. Above all I believe we must turn the • eyes of our young people to the possibilities of service at home and abroad. There are many inspiring new developments here, such as Volun- tary Service Overseas and the many voluntary organisations in Britain. The age of ruling must be replaced by the age of service.

Men and women cannot feel a sense of per- sonal responsibility unless they can see clearly what their contribution is, unless it can be brought home to them that however complex our modern society becomes every man has duties as a counterpart of his individual rights. A political party exists not for legislation alone. The legislation it proposes must be to implement a theme for the life of the nation as a whole. This theme of personal responsibility, of the interplay of rights and duties, of the need for self- discipline as the basis of a modern democratic society, seems to me to be the distinctive Con- servative theme for 1966.