DEMOCRACY IN EUROPE.*

[FIRST NOTICE.]

SIR THOMAS MAY has given his work a title which, though well-

sounding, is scarcely well-suited. He. calls it Democracy in Europe: a History. But he would have described the contents of his book much better had he called it "Democracies in Europe : Studies in History." It is not an account of the rise and de- velopment of democratic schemes and institutions in Europe. Such an account would have taken into consideration the origin and growth of certain phenomena, e.g., village communities, the government of free cities, federation, and many others, as they appeared in different countries. It would have taken the phe- nomena themselves, and not the countries in which they appeared, as starting-points, and grouped around these the events which it chronicled. Now, Sir Thomas has done something quite different. After a preliminary disquisition on Democracy, he reviews the histories of different countries during those periods when that form of government was in vogue. He interrupts his narratives occasionally to indulge in a parallel or a comparison between those facts he has just recorded and those which he has recorded a little before, but be scarcely attempts to give a succinct view of any one of the causes which at various times sent forth waves of democracy over large parts of the surface of Europe.

The great merit of the book is that it is eminently readable. This is a quality which one must not always look for in works dealing with constitutional history, for constitutional history must manifestly occupy itself much with forms and laws, and these present at first-sight none of the attractiveness of more general history. Constitutional history cannot, says Professor Stubbs, be mastered,—it cannot be approached without an effort ; and, it must be confessed, that in the case of the first volume of Professor Stubbs's own work, that effort must be a very consider- able one. But constitutional history, while it deals with forms and laws, must deal also with the human interests and the human needs that underlie these,—indeed, that have brought them into being. Where the historian is careful to keep this, the human aspect of his subject, continually before his reader, there need be no fear that the work will be dull or cold. And Sir Thomas May has in this respect been as successful in the present instance as he was in his admirable Constitutional History of England. His new book is not as important as that one, because it goes over ground more often traversed before, and because it lacks, neces- sarily perhaps, the detail which gave his former effort peculiar interest. But the style is as bright as before, and the research has manifestly been considerable.

• Democracy in Europe: a History. By Sir Thomas Erskine May, D.C.L. London: Longmans and Co.

The Introduction, in which alone, as we said, Sir Thomas deals with general principles, is certainly the most suggestive chapter in the whole of the two volumes. The effects of the climate, position, and natural productions of a country on the freedom of its inhabitants, cannot be positively stated, but the hints thrown out as to what influences may be so produced are often sound and always interesting. Sir Thomas eulogises freedom very happily when he calls it the "best of national schoolmasters." He is also much to the point when he speaks of the democratic ten- dencies of town populations, though he omits to state here what he does not fail to notice afterwards,—namely, that Switzerland is an exception in this respect to the general rule, as her towns have always been less democratic than her country districts. Sir Thomas describes and explains the phenomenon in this way :—

" Wherever cities and large towns have grown up, the inhabitants have inclined more to democracy than their fellow-countrymen in the provinces They have had their own interests to protect, their (ran municipal affairs to administer. Their intelligence has been quickened by their varied occupations, and by a more extended inter- course with other men than falls to the lot of tillers of the soil. They have been able to combine more readily for the attainment of common benefits, and association and discussion have trained them for the political duties of citizens."

Sir Thomas has pointed out also very clearly that Democracy does not imply or sanction the wilder doctrines of Communism. He sees in it a hope that there may be an end to wars. "Where the people have acquired political power, will they submit," he asks, "to be led like sheep to the slaughter?"

But we cannot take leave of this Introduction without noticing one most extraordinary paragraph. Sir Thomas May, it must be

premised, although he has devoted so much of his time to a study of Democracy, and is, in his own words, "an ardent admirer of political liberty," has clearly a wise horror of what dear old Mr. Brooke would have called "going too far." It would, accord- ing to Sir Thomas May, be going much "too far," if the excel- lence of those institutions which place great political power in the hands of a hereditary nobility were in any way called into question. His solemn Whig words must be quoted in full:— " It is well that nobles have still held their place in the service of the State. They have some qualities peculiar to their order. In early life their natural courage is strengthened by games, by manly sports and horsemanship. The traditions and habits of their order teach them how to govern men, and political power falls naturally into their bands. Their councils are prompt, bold, and spirited. Their proud fortunes raise them above the hesitation and dread of responsibility, which are apt to oppress men of humbler lot. Such are the qualities which have made great and vigorous statesmen in all ages. Great in war and diplomacy, bold and resolute in council—often leaders among the people—nobles have ever taken an eminent place among theic countrymen."

The italics are our own, but otherwise the passage we have quoted stands just as Sir Thomas May wrote it. It is almost im- possible to imagine that it was not written sarcastically. As sarcasm, it would indeed be very good sense, which, with all de- ference to Sir Thomas May, it is certainly not, if it is meant to be taken seriously. Can Sir Thomas really entertain such an opinion of the aristocrats of Europe ? The nobles of Italy are, he tells us himself, "illiterate, indolent, and purposeless." We should have thought that the deserted aspect of the House of Lords when questions of great importance are being discussed, and that tenacity of prejudice, the true "tradition and habit of their order," would have undeceived him in his happy notions about the nobility of England, who, despite their "peculiar qualities," including, we presume, pride and indolence, do not appear in their " councils " merely as "prompt, bold, and spirited" as the House of Commons. The present attitude of the majority of the nobles in France seems hardly to confirm Sir Thomas's word either ; and as to Germany, we commend him a careful study of Spielhagen's Probkmatische Natural, and be will hear from any German he likes to ask that there are twenty Von Clotens for one Von Oldenburg.

"The history of the East," says Sir 'Thomas, "cannot be severed from the history of the West." Accordingly, be prefaces his account of the European States by a sketch of some periods of Asian history. As the title of the work is Democracy in Europe, we hardly had a right to expect to find this chapter. One is re- minded of the story of the learned German who, in his great trea- tise on "Modern Travellers," devoted half a volume to an account of the wanderings of Ulysses. In a later chapter, the sixth, Sir Thomas again loses sight of his subject proper, and reviews the progress of society from the time of the fall of the Western.

Empire to the advent of the Renaissance and the Reformation. In itself this chapter is well done, being impartial in tone and clear in style, but it has scarcely a raison d'itre. It must also he- confessed that it does not contrast favourably with Robertson's

4 4 preliminary disquisition" to the life of Charles V., which occu- pies itself mainly with the same period.

The democracies that flourished in Greece, and the characters of the men who directed their fortunes, have been told often before. It is difficult to find out what class of readers Sir Thomas specially desires to instruct. For, while later history is only known in part, and in very small part, to most educated persons, there are very few of these who are not tolerably conversant with the rudimentary facts in the histories of Greece and Rome. Most persons have a fair notion of the sumptuary laws of Lycurgus, and of the rivalry between Marius and Sulla. But perhaps Sir Thomas very wisely determined to assume as little knowledge as possible on the part of his readers, and those who have most of the facts still lingering in their memories may be grateful to him for a bright résumé of events that are interesting enough to bear re-telling many times.

Thanks chiefly to the fascinating style of Mr. Symonds, the history of Italy has received much attention from the reading public of to-day. Many persons will therefore join us in wishing that Sir Thomas had either confined himself to giving an account of one Italian republic, and had given that in full, or that he had bestowed much more space than he has on the history 'of the Italian democracies. He is most successful in his account of Florence, though he scarcely seems to recognise the true character and influence of Savonarola. At once prophet and politician, Savonarola tried to teach a creed that was patriotic, and a policy that was to be acceptable to God, as well as profit- able to his countrymen. Just as Savonarola at first stood alone in Florence, se Florence, while she listened to his counsels, stood alone in Italy. it is a story so beautiful, so mystical, so solemn, and in the end so tragic, that it belongs rather to a poet like George Eliot than to an historian, whatever his power.

Sir Thomas May's first volume concludes with a brief sketch of the history of Switzerland. Switzerland must naturally engross much of the attention of all historians of democracy. Long resist- ing the legions of Rome, the Swiss succumbed to them at length, and passed through years of subjection to the Empire. The -feudal system bowed them down under a still harder yoke, but from this they gradually emerged in two different ways. There grew up among them, in the first place, villages exercising rights of self-government and judicature; and in the second place, walled 'cities inhabited by a burgher class with municipal privileges. Importance and security could only come to such democracies by means of confederation ; and confederation came early in their history. The first confederation, indeed, was formed before those who agreed upon it knew bow to reduce to writing their goodwill towards one another. The greedy ambition of nobles without and within their borders increased the number and strength of the confederations, which the selfishness of individual States at times threatened to dissolve. When avarice, which has always been the besetting sin of the Swiss, drove them to sell for gold the courage and the lives of their soldiers, they yet never forgot that they formed a nationality of their own, and never permitted their armies to be divided against one another. Separated by differences in constitution, separated by differences in language, and separated, most of all, by differences in creed, the Swiss Confederation has, nevertheless, remained a united force to the present day. The Constitution of the year 1840 entrusted the supreme legislative power to a Federal Assembly consisting of deliberative bodies. One of these represented the entire nation, the other the individual cantons. "The supremacy of the Con- federation was reconciled with the separate autonomy of the Cantons." The revision of the Constitution effected in 1874 aimed at the enlargement of the Federal authority, the stricter subordination of religious bodies to the civil power, and also at the exclusion of the priests. It is difficult to say what effect the -democratic nature of their government has produced upon the Swiss people. Nature in giving them their mountains gave them the power of maintaining their republic and their nationality. But with this noble gift she gave them a heavy curse. The beauty of Swiss scenery attracted and attracts so many strangers to Switzerland, that the Swiss have probably looked to what might best be called the largess of the alien as the chief and most natural means for subsistence.