TOPICS OF THE DAY.
A BAS LA GUERRE ! VIVE LA. PAIX !
THE street cries of Paris at the meeting of the two Prime Ministers are of good omen—A kw la guerre ! Vive la paix ! There could be no better general principles than these at a time like the present. If they are carried to their natural and necessary conclusions the world should soon be entering upon a new phase. No doubt pessimists will tell us that we have no right to attach any special importance to the words we have quoted. They, no doubt, represent, it will be said, the opinion of M. Herriot's supporters and possibly of a large section of public opinion ; but what we have got to consider is not the voices of the people, but the votes of the Assembly. France as a nation will act in accord- ance with the decisions of its Government. But that Government's force and authority can come from nowhere else but from a majority in the Chamber of Deputies. But this majority, again, is only obtainable through a co-operation of groups, and it is notorious that the manipulation of such groups gives oppor- tunities to mischief-makers and fishers in troubled waters, which may lead to serious trouble.
We admit the opportunities which the course , of events may give to a skilful politician like M. Poincare. He is as formidable a Lobbyist as exists in Europe to-day. But, in spite of that and of other threatening clouds on the horizon, we believe that M. Herriot may be able to weather the storm. In any case, we trust that he will remember that you cannot be more than beaten, and that boldness and confidence in a good cause are far more likely to carry him through than timidity or an over-sensitiveness to danger. Immediately after the elections it seemed as if the task before him—that of getting M. Poincare out of office as Prime Minister and of plucking M. Millerand from the Presidential seat— were far beyond the powers of a man with a majority numerically small and in no possible sense homogeneous. Yet M. Herriot performed this miracle, and performed it because he was bold and resolute, and trusted to the good sense of the French people. No doubt at the moment he has got a riotous, inflammatory and hostile Press. But here again we most sincerely trust that he will take his courage in both hands and refuse to be moved by the clamour around him. He had an equally bad Press during the elections and immediately after it, and yet it had little or no effect upon public opinion, or also little or no effect on the Chamber. It is, no doubt, difficult for outside observers to judge of national feeling ; but we cannot help thinking that there has of late been a real change of heart in France. The country is, we believe, not only thoroughly weary of Poincareism, but thoroughly disillusioned in regard to it. It has seen the experiment of frightfulness tried as the solution of the problems produced by that obstinacy of despair which has taken so firm a hold upon Germany, and it realizes that nothing good will now come of the reign of terror attempted in the Ruhr. This consideration brings us to the question of the International Conference summoned to assemble in London on July 16th, to consider the measures necessary to bring the Dawes plan into operation. Here at last is the touch of reality. If that Conference meets and agrees on immediate and specific action, and also agrees quickly, for that is essential, a very great step will have been taken towards the policy of " down with War and up with peace."
The draft protocol prepared by Sir Eyre Crowe in order to pledge all the parties concerned, including Germany, to give effect to the recommendations of the Dawes Report, for that is the business of the Conference, strikes us as an admirably fair and business-like document —one which cannot be assailed either as having any catches in it, or as travelling outside the scope of the Conference, or again, as being inspired by external influences, by any aspirations, that is, other than those which should legitimately inspire it—i.e., aspirations for the peace of the world. The document in question declares that there appears to the British Government to be five points which will have to be covered at the Conference.
There is no attempt in this statement to evade what is obviously the chief obstacle to agreement among the Allies. The third and fourth of the five points obviously contain the crucial matter, for they demand a pledge on the part of the Allies that all the economic racks and thumbscrews, and all the infringements of German liberty and sovereignty in territories recognized by the Treaty of Versailles as part of the German Empire, shall be withdrawn at a given date—i.e., a fortnight after Germany has put into operation the undertaking suggested in the second point. The fourth point is consequential on the third. It proposes that the sanc- tions shall not be reimposed unless some authority other than the Reparation Commission considers their re- imposition necessary. Then follows the excellent sugges- tion that this independent body should be the League of Nations or its Financial Committee. It was to this that the fiercest objection was made in France. Many Frenchmen will, no doubt, be still unwilling to give up their hold upon Germany. They may think it unfortu- nate to have to hold the wolf by the ears, and yet may not have the courage or faith required to let go.
We do not, however, fear this so much as the fact that the political enemies of M. Herriot will try to make the matter a test question and to over-awe the Chamber by the skilful use of the Press—" Down with the Ministry which abandons the sanctions." Here again M. Herriot must be bold. Not to go through with a policy which it is common knowledge he approves will be just as great a defeat as a hostile vote in the Chamber. It will not avoid his ruin for the very good reason that his own supporters will, if he abandons his policy, lose heart and turn against him. No parliamentary leader ever succeeds who neglects his friends in order to propitiate his opponents. There are, happily, not a few indications that M. Herriot means to take the strong line, the right line, and the courageous line. The confidence that he shows in Mr. MacDonald is a good sign.
But there is even a better omen than this, and with it we will close this appreciation of the situation. In a brief speech at the International University Federation for the League of Nations made by M. Herriot between his conferences with Mr. MacDonald, he declared that he and his audience were " gathered together in an act of faith, an act of association, and an act of common ideals." He went on to say that the attack would be violent and that there would be many people ready to hurl them- selves at the throat of a movement in favour of the League of Nations.
" For his part, he had fought, was fighting, and would continue to fight for the ideals for which the League stood. It was possible to do this and, at the same time, to ensure that the rights of France were observed. With the help of his British colleague, with whom he would, in a few moments, again be in conference, he hoped to come to such an agreement that the peace which was so necessary to all nations would be made firm."
If M. Herriot will act in the spirit of these words, as we have no doubt he will, he will be far more likely to maintain power and authority than if he bends to the
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