Outlawing War
MBRIAND'S answer to Mr. Kellogg's proposal • that a Treaty between France and America, renouncing war as between themselves, should be expanded into a Treaty embracing all civilized nations, is by no means a rejection of the proposal. That is a point gained. The French Government have been wiser than the majority of French newspapers which—though the Temps has been a notable exception—have cold- shouldered the Kellogg plan. It is particularly gratifying that M. Briand should have written in so friendly a manner to Washington, as to most Frenchmen it is a new idea that the private scheme of France and America should become a world-wide Treaty.
M. Briand, it is true, is afraid that the American proposal for renouncing war May clash with the League. Last week we ourselves pointed out this difficulty, which is a very real one. There are, of course, other diffi- culties, such as the paramount authority of Congress over questions of peace and war. In spite of all the difficulties, however, we hold that it would be a cardinal error both in morals and tactics for Britain to allow herself to be diverted from an objective which is supremely desirable. So far as we can see there is no reason whatever why a renunciation of war, provided that it does not stultify the Covenant, should detract from the League's authority or usefulness.
A declaration by the United States that she regards war as an illegitimate instrument of policy, even though it might have to be rather vaguely expressed in order to avoid some of the admitted verbal difficulties, would be an event of vast psychological importance. Every- body knows that the approaches to war are all psycho- logical. If nations commit themselves formally to the affirmation that war is an abomination the chance that war will be thought of seriously, or be entered into by inadvertence, will be gradually reduced to vanishing point. We earnestly hope, therefore, that France and America will be able to agree, and that as the proposal has - already been laid before Britain the Government will discuss it, not with pedantry, but with every intention of securing that it shall become a blessing to the world.
M. Briand informs Mr. Kellogg that France accepts his proposal that the Treaty should be capable of indefinite extension to other nations, but he adds in the interests of the League that the renunciation of' war • should be confined to " aggressive " war. There is pertinence in this modification, for the League definitely -contemplates the necessity of war when it is necessary to overrule a wanton disturber of the peace. The League doctrine is based on a realistic conception of the world as it is. Can we do without police ? When Mr. Borah, .for instance, proposes the outlawing of war without any qualification whatever, he, of course, says what is vastly attractive to a great many Americans, just because it is comprehensive and generous. Americans may be shrewd, but it is certain that they are greatly ,moved by sentiment. It is to be noted that the principal .supporters in America of the doctrine of outlawry ire opposed to every direct or indirect invitation to the United States to join the League. The doctrine of outlawing war might be described as a special and noble aspect of the doctrine that the United States should remain detached from' the rest of the world.
What then are we to do who have committed ourselves to the League ? It is necessary, we think, that we should struggle for the retention of the principle that the League should be able to deal with an "aggressor." Admittedly it is not easy, and perhaps it is impossible, to define aggression ; but we have very little doubt that when occasion arises the League will be able to decide in particular circumstances who is an aggressor and who is not. To renounce war without any reserva- tion whatever would involve the suspension of police control. We dare not assume that progress has yet reached such a stage that the necessity for a penal code in international affairs has been eliminated. In private or domestic life we rightly rule out violence, yet we obviously do so with a mental reservation. Every man knows that one day he may be walking along a street and see somebody battering in the head of a child. If he does not then intervene, and if necessary meet violence with violence, he is less than a man. This very simple illustration is only too plainly applicable to the affairs of nations. We can hardly imagine, however, that in a discussion across a table the repre- sentatives of the United States would deny this exceed- ingly simple proposition. The task is to get rid of every possible kind of war without making ourselves dupes.
We have taken the idea of a declaration against war at its face value without considering the possibility that the Arbitration Treaties, which must shortly be renewed between France and America and Britain and America, may curtail the value of that declaration.
As, however, Mr. Kellogg proposes that the Arbitration Treaties should exclude (1) internal affairs, (2) the Monroe Doctrine, and (8) disputes with third parties, the material of stultification will plainly exist.
All these difficulties will need the most careful dis- cussion. No doubt British representatives would point out, what is the rooted British conviction, that a declara- tion is not of complete value in itself unless it indicates the machinery by which war is to be avoided. For our part, we believe in a system of " All-In " arbitration, much in advance of the amended Arbitration Treaty which Mr. Kellogg has proposed to France. Will America join us in that conviction ?
We trust that even if France and AMerica disagree there will still be an opportunity for Britain to express her hearty good will towards the principle of the American proposal. The League can never be what we all ardently desire it should become without the co-operation of the 'United States. We say without hesitation, • therefore, 'that even if We arc asked as members of the League to 'Mike a sacrifice here and there, and to abandon 'ground which we thought had been permanently occupied, the sacrifices might be well worth making.
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