CONSTANTINOPLE AND GREEK HOPES. [To TUN EDITOR OP TUN SPRCITATOR.1
SIR,—There can be no lasting settlement at Constantinople without some satisfaction of Greek hopes, and, as its con- sequence, Greek acquiescence in the Constitution. Now the first word to write down in this connexion must be,—the Greek Church. Not, indeed, that Greek hopes centre in things spiritual, or even ecclesiastical. To the Greeks in the Ottoman Empire their Church stands for something very different from union with their co-religionists. For the great mass of these—within the Orthodox fold, but under the Russian eagle—is their political nightmare. But notwith- standing this, the Greek Patriarchate is their centre, not the Greek Kingdom. That is the first point to grasp if we would understand this one latent yet potent factor in the future of the Near East,—the aspirations of a race which, whatever discipline it may have to undergo, must some day emerge by force of its innate intelligence on the top of the tide. This centring of Greek hopes in the Church as the flag of their race and in the Patriarchate of Constantinople as its standard is, of course, in the first place a thing of historie,a1 tradition. Their Church was the one thing which survived the conquest. And the conqueror, for his own reasons, left the Patriarchate some of its old political power over his new subjects. This power has survived till to-day in the form of those privileges which the Young Turk holds to be abrogated by the spirit of the Constitution, yet to which the Greeks cling naturally enough, as still the palladium of their nationality.
Now it is this existence of a racial nucleus in the privileges of the Patriarchate which the Young Turk resents, and which the Greek \mines so highly. The Ottoman Greek is perfectly conscious that the Greek Kingdom is not a nucleus for his racial aspirations. Assuming that the Kingdom could appropriate all Greek lands in Europe up to the walls of Constantinople, this would still leave half the Greek popu- lation in the Empire under Turkish domination, and exposed, should this ultimately collapse, to the aggression of another Power. Taking, then, these facts into consideration, the far- seeing Ottoman Greek claims to be honestly, however selfishly, more interested in his chances under the Ottoman Con- stitution than in any hope of incorporation in a purely Greek system. Is there any such larger prospect before him P That is the question. At present the Ottoman Greek's answer is briefly this,—that the present manipulation of the Constitution by the Young Turks denies him any such larger prospect, and withholds from him his just stake in the future of their common country. The elections—both for Parliament and in the municipality of Peru (which tested his civic strength in the capital)—have made that fact clear to him, so far as electoral representation goes. There is no need to discuss the cause or distribute the blame. The fact is admitted by the Young Turk, though be lays the blame on the Greek himself. Broadly speaking, the Greek sought to ally himself with his fellow-Christian (chiefly the Armenian), and the alliance failed. The Armenian went over to the Turk. The fellow- Christian has thrown himself into the hands of the stronger power. This may not have been sound policy (Machiavelli would have condemned it), but it was certainly human nature. The Greek looked, it is true, to other things as well as electoral representation. He hoped for a recognition of his hotter men in the administration of the country. With the exception of an honest but not a brilliant man as the late Minister of Mines, and the elevation of another compatriot, Mavrogenui, to the Senate, he has met with no recognition of his ability and of his stake in the new regime. The Patriarchate is ignored. The Kingdom is suspect. The best Greek elements are excluded on account of their strength. Now be it understood that the Greek on his side does not dispute the claims of the authors of the Constitution to a predominance in the partnership of the Constitution. But if numbers, intelligence, and wealth are to be taken into account at all under the Constitution, then the Greek holds, and justly holds, that be has a clear claim to redress. Com- mercially and intellectually, his stake in the country is
second to none. The Greeks have a population which is certainly one-third, probably nearer one-half, of the
Turkish element; and this population is more or less concentrated round the capital and in possession of some of the most valuable sites in the Empire. The most striking feature in their position is, of course, their exclusion from all share in its military organisation. At present this crucial point hardly comes within the range of practical politics, though the principle that military service must ultimately come with civil privileges is fully recognised by the Greeks themselves. To place Greek soldiers in Turkish barracks, or to plane Turkish officers in command of Greek soldiers, would be impossible as things are between them. Greek sailors in Turkish ships are inconceivable. The urgent need of the moment is the making of better blood between the two races. On the one side stands the masterful Turk, on the other side stands the irascible Greek. As yet the Constitution has only succeeded in intensifying instead of allaying their racial antipathy. A violent Greek Press, impatient of its impotence, and apt to mistake license for liberty, has exasperated the Government, which will be less inclined than ever to brook any criticism. The Greek is nothing if not critical, always ready to confuse statesmanship with demonstrations.
But it would be a mistake to suppose that Greek journalism represents Greek common-sense. The Greek Press has been as indiscreet towards its own chiefs as towards the Govern- ment. The Greek role is always to be in opposition. This wordy war might at any time lead to blows. Aud if Greek hopes are ever to be realised, this tendency must be checked. But a merely negative attitude of abstinence from provocation will not suffice ou either side. The Greeks must resolve to avoid even the appearance of evil. Their negative attitude in the capital during the last crisis was natural; but it con- trasted unfavourably with that of the Armenians, who realise, in common with the more enlightened among the Greeks themselves, that to work for the Constitution is as patriotic as it is politic. The crisis and its outcome have demonstrated that outside of the Constitution there is no salvation for any party in the State. And while we must earnestly hope that the Young Turks may devote themselves to it in the spirit as in the letter, it is certain that Greek hopes must centre there to attain any measure of sucoess.—I am, Sir, &c., Z.
P.S.—It is pleasing to record that the morrow of the latest crisis has already witnessed a tendency on both sides to pull together better. The Turks have recognised the Greek element in their new Cabinet. The Patriarch has con- gratulated the Greek Volunteers who marched for the Constitution. And the Greek Press seems to be modera- ting its tone.
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