The Macedonian Imbroglio
LA question de la Macedoine, said a gloomy French politician, c'est une macedoine de questions. It is, indeed. Those who look on from a distance at the fresh trouble in Macedonia will do well to remember that in the Balkans the blame never belongs wholly to one side. In the present instance Yugoslavia has very distinct grievances against Bulgaria, but it must be remembered that in past times Yugoslavia, or, rather, the chrysalis Serbia from which Yugoslavia emerged, worked as busily as any other Balkan Power at trying to make the facts in Austria and Turkey lit in with her national desires. When facts are being deliberately chipped or hewn to make a political case, a great deal of violence is required. Yugoslavia is now suffering ; but the times have been when she made others suffer. We have only to look back to 1914, when the Archduke Francis Ferdinand was murdered by Serbian revolu- tionaries, to observe an outrage just like those which have been committed by Bulgarian revolutionaries and against which Yugoslavia is now justly protesting.
The Internal Revolutionary. Organization which exists in Bulgarian Macedonia is charged with various criminal acts, of which the most important have been bomb outrages in Yugoslav Macedonia and the assassination of General Kovatchevitch, the Yugoslavian commander at Ishtip. It is a political tragedy that such things should happen just now, when the new policy of con- ciliation between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia seemed in a fair way to succeed. The intense anger of Yugoslavia may be accounted for, not merely by the assassination and the attacks on defenceless villages (though these -would justify most of it), but by the very vivid recol- lection which every Yugoslavian has of the controversy with Albania when it was felt that Albania was being used as a pawn by Italy. This needs emphasizing. Behind all Yugoslavia's fury and anxiety is a genuine fear of her powerful neighbour, Italy. Without attri- buting any sinister designs to Italy, we may point out that if Bulgaria and Yugoslavia should go to war and reduce one another to financial if not political impotence, as they very well might, the ambition of Italy to be more readily listened to in the Balkans than she is to-day would not be at all ill-served.
Bulgaria deserves a word of recognition for the good sense with which she has met the demands from Yugo- slavia. Nobody doubts the guilt of the Internal Revolu- tionary Organization ; the only questions are to what extent the Bulgarian Government has wished to stop the misdeeds of the Organization, and whether, if it wishes to stop them, it is really able to do so. The Organization has more than once defied the Bulgarian Government. and the Government has shown that it did not feel strong enough to retaliate. Last spring the Macedonian deputies in the Bulgarian Parliament objected to the application of any of the decisions of the Greco-Bulgarian Mixed Commission for the settle- ment of Macedonia. In other words, they objected to the policy which their Government clearly saw was essential for the satisfaction of Greece. Most Mace- donians are now Greeks ; but if the Bulgarian revolu- tionaries had their way, they would alter the ethnical statistics in their favour by sheer murder. Even as it is, they unblushingly argue that Salonika is a Bulgarian town. The Bulgarian Government has proclaimed martial law in Bulgarian Macedonia, and has announced its intention of breaking up the Revolutionary Organization. The Yugoslavian Government, on its side, deserves credit for having enough patience to wait and see. Belgrade seems to have no intention of forcing matters till Bulgaria has had a fair chance of putting her house in order.
Can the Bulgarian Government do it ? The Times suggests that sympathy with the grievances of the Bulgarian minority in Yugoslavia may induce many Bulgarians to oppose the Government. Moreover, the Bulgarian Army, upon which the Bulgarian Government will have to depend in the last resort for overcoming resistance, is largely recruited from Macedonia. This is an awkward fact, though it was no doubt inevitable, because service with the colours lasts for twelve years and the ordinary Bulgarian will not leave his land for so long. Yet again, the difficulties of even a loyal army operating in the mountains of Macedonia would be immense—comparable, and more than comparable, with the difficulties of Great Britain in the Boer War. We must all wish the Bulgarian Government well in its task. It is intolerable that the Internal Organization should persistently try to prevent the improvement of Bulgaria's relations with her neighbours. If a trial of strength were postponed, it would have to come some time.
Although the situation is tiresome and dangerous, we cannot help remembering with gratitude and hope what happened in 1925, when the League was invoked by Bulgaria to protect her from a frontier attack by the Greeks. The Council of the League then expressed its solemn opinion that these frontier affairs, which are continually being brought about by the various " com- mittees," or racial revolutionary groups, did not justify war between States. The dispute was quickly composed in a manner which added greatly to the prestige of the League, and we must hope that if the new trouble comes before the League—and we cannot see why it should not—the experience will be repeated.
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