Italy, Britain and the Common Market From MICHAEL ADAMS
ROME
r CONOM1CALLY speaking, Italy is riding the Lecrest of the wave; politically, she faces the world with much less self-confidence. These con- trasting attitudes are important itt shaping her approach to international affairs, and particularly to the plans for a European union.
The Common Market was formed at just the right time for Italy. Her products, which in any case would have carnet' a high reputation for Italian industry, have done so well in the export market that they have provided the Italian Government with the most favourable trade balance in Europe—and at the same time Italy's traditional problem of unemployment has been greatly eased by the demand for labour north of the Alps. All told, the Italians have good reason to be pleased both with themselves and with the Common Market.
In their satisfaction, they have become keen advocates of the 'European idea,' and look forward to the day when the political aims of the Treaty of Rome are realised as well as its economic preliminaries. But here the Italian attitude is modified by the awareness that for all her industrial and economic advances, Italy's political influence within a united Europe will not match that of France or Germany; it is also affected by the sobering recollection that there are still 140 Communist deputies in the Italian Chamber, whose presence symbolises the endur- ing conflicts of Italian internal political life.
Both of these considerations lead thinking Italians to welcome Britain's participation in the Common Market, or rather in the project for European union, of which the Common Market has been the highly successful forerunner. A union expanded to make room for Britain, Italians feel, would run less risk of domination by any single member; and the wider the union, and the greater its total population, the smaller would become the nuisance value of Italy's sub- stantial Communist Party.
Reasoning along these lines, the last Italian government (which resigned at the end of February) made it clear that it would support Britain's application for mcmbership, and the Prime Minister, Signor Fanfani, said as much when he visited London in January. Now that a new government has been formed, based on an understanding between the Christian Democrats and the Socialists, this attitude remains un- changed; if, anything, it is even strengthened by the fact that the Social Democrat Party of Signor Saragat, and a large section of the Nenni Socialists, regard Britain as the model of a Socialist democracy. Even under a Conservative Government, Britain appears to the Italian parties of the Left as a useful ally in a Europe where parties of the Right at present hold the ascendancy.
So far, so good—but when Italians turn to analysing the motives which have induced Britain to apply for membership of the Com- mon Market, doubts arise which are not easily suppressed. Since at first we elected to stay out of the Common Market, and only now, when the countries which did join have recorded such striking advances, do we come knocking at the door, it is only natural for Italians to say that we are out for our own interests and are trying to push our way into an institution whose basic principles mean no more to us today than they did when it was founded.
These basic principles include the political unification of Europe, whether on federal or confederal lines, or according to some other pattern which has yet to be devised, and this is where the doubts about Britain's sincerity are at their strongest. The balanced and influential newspaper Corriere delta Sera aired these doubts in a leading article on April 25: Britain wants to join the Common Market and subscribe to a political statute of Europe. But although animated by an apparently sincere desire to play a leading part in the unitary process in Europe, Britain is by tradition more cautious than any other country of the Con- tinent of taking on written obligations which envisage the possibility of an evolution of Europe's existing institutions. And if it is true, as it certainly is, that British participation in the unitary process would strengthen and en• rich the European construction, one must bear in mind Britain's traditions and her special needs.
The Corriere's leader-writer found the position adopted• a week earlier by the Dutch and Belgian governments 'exaggerated.' It was unwise, he thought, to insist that no agreement about the precise form of European unification should be signed without British participation; the Six must only ensure that they took no step in the direc- tion of political unity to which Britain would find it impossible to agree if and when the time came for her to join.
This is a representative, if cautious, expres- sion of what seems to be the prevailing attitude towards Britain's entry into the Common Market —an attitude which was outlined in the com• munique issued on the eve of the meeting be' tween Signor Fanfani and President de Gaulle at the beginning of April. That communiqtI6 spoke of the Italian• Government's desire to see 'the systematic application of the clauses of the Treaty of Rome' and the hope that Britain might take part in 'the resulting progress to' wards the economic integration of Europe.'
At this difficult moment, when the time has come to make the transition from the first to the second stage of European unification, the Italian attitude towards Britain's participation might be 'summarised in these terms. Genuinely anxious to see the successful construction of a united Europe, the Italians would like to ensure that Britain becomes a part of it, primarily because they respect Britain's contribution to the science of constitutional government, and also because they expect Britain to prevent such a European union from falling under the domination of anY one power. They cannot yet rid themselves of the suspicion that Britain's interest in becoming a member 'of the European club is based on the hope of material advantage rather than on anY whole-hearted enthusiasm for the concept of political union. They are anxious about the possibility that by agreeing to special terms for Britain's partners in the COmmonwealth, and perhaps in the European Free Trade Association as well, the Six will so water down their original conception that it loses much of its force.
Underlying these patterns of thought there is a sense of fellow-feeling, a barely formulated hp' pression that the British are desirable partners, with whom Italians feel themselves politically at home—and this is helping to resolve their doubts. Only we ourselves can resolve them altogether, by showing that we do in fact care for the long- term objective of European integration.
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