SPECTATOR'S LIBRARY.

BIOGRAPHY,

Memoirs and OorreSpondence of Viscount Castlereagh, Second Marquess of London- derry. Edited by his Brother, Charles Vane Marquess of Londondery, G.C.B., &c. Volumes I. IL Cotters. Taevins, Letters from the Danube. By the Author of " Glean," "Second Love," &c, In two volumes Bentley. PROFESSIONAL Lew, The Moral, Social, and Professional Duties of Attornies and Solicitors. By Samna Warren, Esq., F.R.S., of the Inner Temple, Barriater.at-Law.

Blackwood and-Sosts.

TICE CASTLEREAGH PAPERS.

ExpEcranon is naturally raised very high as regards the interest and value of Lord Castlereagh's papers, when the active nature of his life is considered, and his connexion with stirring or great events,—as the Irish Rebellion, the Union, the diplomatic conduct of the closing campaign against Napoleon previous to his first abdication, and the subsequent nego- tiations at Vienna. That expectation is not satisfied by the two volumes before us, relating to the Irish Rebellion and a part of the arrangements for the Union. The papers are imperfect, and sometimes rather the sweepings of a statesman's cabinet than a complete exhibition of his character and

career from his own pen, such as we have in the Wellesley, Wellington, Nelson, and Milmesbury Despatches. Neither are they a judicious selec-

tion from a minister's correspondent*, throwing a fuller light upon affairs than could be done by merely his own writing. On the contrary, they often consist of common business letters, and small facts without in- terest either in substance or manner, though frequently relieved by papers of interest and importance, especially as regards the Union. When an invasion of Ireland was expected, it was no doubt important to the Irish Government that any rumours, and still more any authenticated parti- culars of preparations in the French ports, should be transmitted from London to the Irish Secretary ; but neither these, nor similar small re- ports, nor the official letters of course in which they were enclosed, have the slightest interest now ; and there is a good deal too much of that sort of thing in the volumes before us. "Round him much embryo, much abortion lay," is one characteristic of the hero of the Dunciad's study: we could believe a minister's cabinet distinguished in the same way without having the fact impressed upon us by opinions and suggestions from known or unknown writers which come to nothing. Of courser the mere smallness of a fact does not militate against its publication if it has interest in itself, or contains anything beyond itself, or if the

vivacity of the writer gives life to his matter. The reports from foreign spies, or from the traitors engaged in betraying their friends at home, are sometimes curious for their sketches of character' or as pictures of con-

spirators' life; they frequently impress upon the mind the uselessness of calculating upon surprise or secrecy in affairs known to many, and the necessity of looking for success to some large conception, the resources of the state, and the character of the agents or forces to be employed, instead of engaging in schemes which are almost sure to be betrayed. There were not only traitors among the United Irishmen, but even, it

would seem, in the cabinets of the French Ministry; and, by parity of reasoning, the French probably had as good information of what was going on in England. These sources of knowledge are useful to have, but not to build upon.

If the work professed to be complete—to give, as in the case of Sir Harris Nicolas's Nelson, every scrap that could be obtained—something might be said for meagreness or triviality; but completeness is far from

being a characteristic of the Correspondence of Viscount Castlereagh. Part of this 1k inevitable. Papers were lost by accidents, law, and wreck. "The late Lord Londonderry at an early period of his political career made his will, and, it appears, never altered it. One of the executors was the late

George Holford, Esq., M.P., a most particular frieed from his early life, and araan

for whom he deservedly entertained the highest esteem and affection; the other was his professional adviser, the late William Groom, Esq., of Lincoln's Inn

Fields. At the decease of the testate ,r to these gentlemen belonged all his pa-

pers, private and public. The first Marquess of Londonderry had by will. be- ueathed all his personals to his eldest aon• and, by his eldest son's disposition before his father's death, the chattels, interest, papers, 8m., did not descend in the

regular succession. It happened, therefore, that the executors above mentioned, instead of handing the papers, public and private, to the heir-at-law, placed them under the control of the Conn of Chancery, with a view of exonerating themselves from responsibility in case any of the documents could be claimed by the Government of the country. Various delays took place before I was enabled to bring the question to an issue as to my positive right as heir-at-law to all these documents. At length, by the indefatigable perseverance and sound judg-

ment of Mr. Ferrer, the Master in Chancery, and by the highly honourable and straightforward decision of Lord Palmerston the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and the Lord Chancellor Cottenham' a great mass of papers, public and private,

was delivered over to me. On examination of the documents, I regret to say that I discovered many chasms and losses; and that, in consequence it will be ex- tremely difficult to make a regular and connected detail of the incet complicated and interesting events to which they refer, as well as to place the chief actor in the position in which it is but justice that posterity should view him. But my part is to do my best, and not to shrink from the difficulties before me. In regard to the biography of my lamented brother, including a connected narrative of his public transactions, which is comprehended in the plan of this collection, I did hope that my task might be reduced to little more than a dis- creet and judicious selection from such materials and documents as were in my possession; but a wholly unforeeeen accident has deprived me of that intimate

fraternal correspondence for twenty-five successive years which would have form- ed the most important part of any work I could have offered to the public. On returning from my embassy to Vienna, many years since, I placed this collection in the hands of the Reverend S. Turner, who was at that time nominated and g ' out as Bishop of Calcutta. This excellent and invaluable divine and friend

been tutor to my son Castlereagh; and, feeling a deep interest in the family, he had undertaken to arrange these papers, and to commence the Life of the late

Marquess of Londonderry, aided by various other documents and information which lie had collected. The vessel, however, that sailed for India with Mr. Turner's baggage, effects, papers, &c., was unfortunately wrecked; and thus ended all my hopes, at that period, of leaving for posterity such a record of the states- man and the brother as I felt that he deserved."

In addition to these hiatuses, the present Marquis, as editor, seems to

"MR. WICKHAM TO LORD CASTLEREAGH.

"Private and Most Secret. Whitehall, January 7th, 1799.

20 minutes past 5.

"My dear Lord—Immediately on the receipt of your Lordship's letter of the 2d instant, marked most secret, I waited on the Duke of Portland, at Burlington Howe; who without loss of time wrote both to Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenville on that part of the letter which seemed to press the most; and I have the satisfac- tion to inform year Lordship, that a messenger will be sent off from hence in the course of tomorrow, with the remittance particularly required for the present moment; and the Duke of Portland has every reason to hope that means will soon be found of placing a larger sum at the Lord-Lieutenant's disposal: but upon this point I shall probably have occasion to write to your Lordship again to- morrow, as well as on the subject of the emigrants, to whom your Lordship alludes in the latter part of your letter. "I am, &c., WILLIAM Wicxxlem."

The first volume of the Correspondence relates to the Rebellion ; upon which it throws very little new light. The extensive conspiracy, the treasonable communications with France, the wildness of the projects unless supported by foreign assistance, the cruelties of the insurgents, matched by the tyranny and insolence of the yeomanry, the occasional violence of the troops, and the doings of spies and informers, will be read more fully in other well-known books than here. In fact, no very large or distinct idea of the rebellion is presented to the mind, except the communications of the United Irishmen with France, and the sources of information open to the Government through agents who were not pro- duced. The consideration, and, looking at the age and its ideas of punishment, the kindness of Government towards treason the most distinct and consequences the most bloody and ruinous, were also well known. An explanation of the odium attaching to Castlereagh for his share in its suppression is found in his utter impassibility. He seems to have stripped affairs of all qualities whatsoever except their business character of a thing to be done or an end to be reached ; and though he might not do a dishonest or cruel thing himself, he had, or at least he showed, no feeling against corruption or cruelty. He might be said to have adopted the Jesuit maxim, that "actions have no qualities in them- selves," without the Jesuit qualification of depending upon the motive. Cornwallis the soldier, hardened in Oriental and American warfare, could write thus upon the doings whose necessity he admitted.

"There is certainly mischief working in various parts of the country, and Marsden thinks in Dublin and its vicinity. In the mean time, the same wretched business of courts-martial, hanging, transporting, Sm., attended by all the dismal scenes of wives, sisters, fathers, kneeling and crying, is going on as usual, and holds out a comfortable prospect for a man of any feeling."

In despite of a bill of indemnity, an action was brought and damages recovered in a case of most scandalous brutality, the infliction of five hundred lashes by one Fitzgerald, a High Sheriff, on a gentleman of the name of Wright, without the slightest reason, unless it was Fitzgerald's ignorance of French. Upon this case of brutal cruelty Castlereagh coolly writes as follows.

"Nothing could be more fatal to the King's interests than an impression ob- taining that the Bill of Indemnity was inadequate to protect those who had acted for the public service with good intentions, however m a moment of struggle and warmth they might have erred in point of discretion. Nothing can be more ex- plicit than the words of the law are upon this subject; and there can be no doubt that, if soundly and clearly expounded by the bench, and correctly acted upon by the jury, protection is completely afforded by them to every man whom the Legislature could possibly mean to protect. But when these transactions come to be reviewed at a cooler moment, the act of violence is proved, when it is impos- sible for the defendant to adduce evidence to the whole of the circumstances under which he acted. There is a laudable disposition in the bench to condemn what appears, as the case is stated, a severity not altogether called for; the cir- cumstances are strongly coloured by the plaintiff's counsel; and the jury ulti- mately find their verdict rather upon the question of whether the defendant exercised a sound discretion, than whether he acted bona fide with a fair intention for the public service."

This real or apparent coldness of character would operate upon the literary interest of Castlereagh's correspondence, even were it more com- plete than it is likely to be. From the nature of his mind, he could not endow small or common matters with any life, causticity, point, or plea- santry from himself; and he lowered great affairs to his own level. Of course, a measure or an event must have such qualities as it possesses ; and these will always remain for those who can see them. Castlereagh did not appear to see anything beyond the business quality, and he kept everything else out of sight of everybody else, so far as he could manage it. In the business part of the matter he was indeed very great, though not unrivalled. He saw the true pressure of difficulty, and how it might be surmounted ; and with immoveable temper and inexhaustible patience he set himself to work, as a gambler playing for somebody else might sit down to his game, careful of his cards and his counters, and with an eye to the stake, but quite indifferent to direct and still more to indirect consequences. No one has ever considered the Duke of Welling- ton a man of imaginative or expansive mind ; yet in pronouncing upon particular matters he frequently lays down general rules, or even eluci- dates a general principle : there are times, even in the sternest na- tures, when the human triumphs over the professional character, and the man is Been beneath the soldier or the politician, in some burst Of enthu- siasm or some trait of feeling. Castlereagh appears to have had nothing of this. He was by nature what the case-hardened lawyer is said to be- come by time : he had no comprehensiveness of intellect as a statesman ; as a minister he had nothing human in his heart or ethical in his head. have exercised some selection, on the principle of official reserve and de- licacy towards individuals. We take it, that things making against Lord Castlereagh, or greatly against the Government, might be suppressed. If there be any foundation for this conjecture, the historical value of the whole collection will be further reduced, and very probably its interest. The following letter from the Duke of Portland's under-secretary seems to relate to some grand money operation to be exercised by the Irish Government in influencing parties Wore the meeting of that Irish Parlia- ment to which the measure of the Union was first submitted; but we have not found the letter, "marked most secret," to which Mr. Wickham's was a reply. Hence the settlement of Europe began to ferment before his 'brewing was over; and the whole Vienna arrangement is now blown up. Hence his mode of carrying the Union, though perhaps inevitable, placed a stigma upon the measure itself; and has afforded a never-ending topic to its impugners. Hence the popular and even Parliamentary dislike with which he was regarded, and the almost proverbial odium still attaching to his name, notwithstanding the suavity of his manners and his personal respectability.

It was, however, this impassibility of character which adapted him for the position he so often had to occupy, of bearing up against failure, charges of blunders, and the effects of the conjoint insolence and corrup- tion that distinguished the old Tory. A finer mind would have shrunk under it ; a less patient disposition would have fallen foul of his Op- position enemy, who offered, we all know, points enough of attack; a more critical perception would sometimes have felt the ridicule of his situation ; but a certain torpidity of intellect rendered Castlereagh insen- sible to the blunders of others or his own.

"He stood nnshook amid a bursting world."

His qualities still more fitted him for carrying the Union than for swaying the English House of Commons. Of that measure he was un- doubtedly the main instrument, and as regards mode, the author and contriver. A sentimental mind might have sympathized somewhat with the "constitutional" outcry, and the -absorption of an independent na- tion. A more philosophic genius would have dwelt upon the advantages of forming a part of the Imperial nation, and having the field of Great Britain thrown open to Irish enterprise or adventure. A loftier mind would have been disgusted with the corruption in the shape of patriotism that met him on every side, or, if impressed with the necessity of the measure, have counselled more violent modes of action. Castlereagh, when baffled by the vote of the existing House of Commons, set him- self coolly down to estimate the value of Irish independence, in a memo- rial addressed to the Duke of Portland.

"The persons naturally committed against a Union may be classed as follows: " The Borough Proprietors—the Secondary Interests in Counties—the Pri- mary Interests in Counties—the Barristers—the Purchasers into the present Parliament—Individuals connected with Dublin.

"It is scarcely necessary to point out the various modes in which the measure goes to affect the classes above mentioned. It is evident that borough property must suffer a diminution of value by the proposed arrangement. There being but one Member for each county intended, thirty-two individuals, whose weight now returns them to Parliament, must stand absolutely excluded.

"The Primary Interests, though not threatened with exclusion, are exposed to new contests.

The Barristers in Parliament look to it as depriving them of their best means of advancement, and of their present business in the courts, if they support it; the attornies having formed a combination for this purpose.

"The Purchasers are averse to it, as being a surrender without advantage of the money paid for their present seats. "The Individuals connected with Dublin, right or wrong, consider a Union as tending to lower the value of their property.

Some estimate may be made of the amount of value thus supposed to operate against the measure. It is proposed to alternate 108 boroughs: taking an Irish seat at 2,0001., and an English seat at 4,0001., the loss of value on an Irish borough would be about one-half; or 7,0001. on each, making in the gross 750,0001. "Estimating a county seat at an equal value, where the superior pride of the situation counterbalances its uncertainty, the loss of thirty-two seats ex tinguished amounts to 224,0001. The superior value of the other seat cannot, as in the boroughs, operate as a set-oft; as it does not in the case of counties belong to the same individual; it can only counterbalance, in a certain degree, to the person possessing the leading interests, the superior risk and expense to which he will be exposed. "It is difficult to estimate the Private Interests of the Barristers, but it must be pretty considerable; as they are about thirty in number, many of whom pur- chased their seat,—say 4,0001. each, taking their seats and prospects of situation together; which gives a result of 200,0001.

"The purchasers into the present Parliament are very numerous; supposing only fifty, at 1,5001. each, seats being peculiarly cheap, gives 75,000/.

The Dublin Influence it is difficult to estimate; it arises out of property and houses, lands, canal-shares, &c., which the owners very falsely conceive would suffer in Dublin—call it 200,0001. The calculation will then stand thus—

Boroughs £756,000 Counties 224,000 Barristers 200,000 Purchasers 76,000 Dublin 200,000 1,433,000 "If the above statement approaches towards the truth, there is a most for- midable principle of resistance existing in the nature of the arrangement; which, connected with the general strength of Opposition, and supported by local cla- mour, it is difficult for the weight of Administration or the merits of the measure itself to overcome. What measure of national advantage could prevail on the individuals of whom Parliament is composed to sacrifice a million and a half of their own private property for the public benefit? • • *

"The Borough objection may be removed at once by pecuniary compensation; the County impediment, by giving a second Member. The other three classes cannot be reconciled by any change in the distribution of the representation."

Lord Castlereagh then proceeds to enter into the details of his propo- sition, but with due deference to the British Government. They, how- ever, at once adopted the ideas of what the Duke of Portland calls this "very ingenious and interesting letter "—this "masterly outline." In a despatch to Lord Cornwallis, he gives up two Members to the counties, which he hopes will restore him "the support of the independent and most respectable Members of the House.' On the boroughs he limn. brates thus.

"With respect to the borough proprietors, though I cannot subscribe to any proposal for increasing the number of Representatives beyond one hundred at the utmost, and am not prepared to admit Lord Castlereagh's valuation of either English or Irish boroughs, I have no difficulty in authorizing your Excellency to hold out the idea of compensation to all persons possessed of that species of property; and I do not scruple to advise that the compensation should be made upon a liberal principle. * • • "As to the lawyers, and those adventurers who were tempted to speculate in Parliamentary politics by the cheapness of seats at the last general election, there can be no pretenders to compensation whom I should be less disposed, and, I shoald hope, it will be less necessary to consider, than both, particularly the last description of them.

" As soon as the two descriptions of county interests are secured, of the practicability of which I have little doubt, and m which a considerable part of the third class, or borough proprietors, is necessarily included, there seems a most obvious and easy mode of settling the pretensions of the professional politi- CLADS, and, at the same time, an opportunity of giving an additional boon to all the borough proprietors. Your Excellency will anticipate my meaning, and infer that I can allude to nothing but a dissolution of the present Parliament; a step which, I should imagine, would be much approved by the public, and would be highly agreeable to such of the borough proprietors as would by that means be restored to the possession of their own 'lateral weight and importance, and be completely relieved from the tyranny of those declaimers whom they unwarily [too cheaply?] brought into the House of Commons at the last general election.

The papers relating to the question of the Union, so far as it has yet advanced, are curious and informing, not perhaps in generals, but in details. Pitt's first idea was liberal enough ; though there would appear to be some doubts as to his intention of admitting the Romanists to Par- liament. He, however, had repeatedly to narrow his propositions, from the English and Irish pressure, upon him. It is easy to censure the " Tories "; but the blame rather lies upon the country. The great ob- stacle, no doubt, was George the Third ; but there is as little doubt that the country agreed with him. This was shown at the dissolution in 1807: had an appeal been made to the country in 1829, it is probable that the decision would have been adverse : the payment of the priests, which formed part of Pitt's plan, cannot even be carried now, when "the Tories" are pretty well extinct ; though a Minister of Pitt's determina- tion might perhaps force it upon the House and the country.

One point is clear, so far as the Correspondence goes (November 1799)—no pledge, or anything like a pledge, was held out to the Roman Catholics. The instructions from England were precise upon this point ; the Irish Government seem strictly to have obeyed them ; and the Roman- ists themselves distinctly disavowed any promise, almost any hope of the sort ; some of them making the absence of a settlement the ground of opposition or complaint. Indeed, it would seem that clergymen of their church were indifferent to the matter. Dr. Troy, a Romanist Archbishop, writes almost sneeringly upon the subject.

"The very able speech of Mr. Pitt cannot fail to engage the opposers of Union with Great Britain to consider the question dispassionately, and determine many of them in its favour. The Catholics have prudently resolved to abstain from any resolution or declaration thereon, although many of them, especially in this city, are unfriendly to it. I did not attend at any of their late meetings, to con- sider of an address to the Lord-Lieutenant expressive of loyalty and their expecta- tions of what is called emancipation. I think and have declared my opinion, that such a step, in the present circumstances, would only embarrass Government, and rather indispose it against the Catholics. There are very many of this opinion. Whatever be the result of their next meeting on this point, I have good reason to expect they will not call on the Opposition Members of Parliament to move for emancipation, and hope I shall not be disappointed."

Unless it should be shown in the ensuing volumes that some more dis- tinct promise was given upon the subject of future emancipation than yet appears the story of the violated pledge must be classed among the other falsehoods of Irish history which inquiry is gradually exposing ; and that the alleged reason- of Pitt's resignation in 1801 'was, as many of his friends thought at the time, a mere subterfuge.

A curious feature orthe Correspondence is the private negotiations, and how men cloaked their private objects, and not very skilfully, under the pretence of public motives. Lord Ely especially figures in this way. However, we will put aside these topics, for one more important—the sketch of the original idea of the Union. "The Protestant Establishment to be secured as by the Articles of Union with Scotland. Catholics to be eligible to all offices, taking the oath of 33 George ilL c. 21; but qinere as to their sitting in Parliament. "The 150 places of representation in Ireland to be reduced to 100,—viz. 50 from the 32 counties, and 18 from the most considerable cities and towns, one from each; and the remaining 50 from the other 100 places, two places choosing Mem- bers either jointly or alternately. Qesere, as to compensation, and how? " Thirty.two Peers, six of them Bishops. "Each country to remain separately charged for its own debt; and the present taxes of Ireland to remain applicable to her own internal civil and military esta- blishments. The surplus might go to local improvements in agriculture, police, ecclesiastical institutions, &c.

"If a plan of general contribution on all leading descriptions of income can be settled here, [in England,] it must be extended to Ireland. Future expenses will be provided for, as far as the contribution goes, in a just proportion, varying always with the means of each; and the interest of any. part of the expenses supplied by loans, or any sums to be raised by other taxes might be defrayed in the same proportion as that in which the contribution fall; on each country. This, it is supposed, would be more just than imposing the same new or additional tax on identical articles, which, though nominally equal, might apply very differently in the two countries. The land-tax would of course make a part of a general tax on income.

• "Intercourse between the two countries to be duty-free, except as far as to countervail a difference in internal or import-duties. "Tithes need not be settled by the Union; but it is thought to be essential, for the peace of Ireland and the improvement of both countries, that something should be done respecting them; and it is suggested that the principle of the re- demption of the land-tax should be extended, under proper regulations, to tithes. This should be accompanied by a competent provision for a reasonable number of Catholic clergy."

Although the United Irishmen had far more excuse for their treason, and greater hopes for its success than those of the present day, and a few, as Tone, had more stuff in them, some men of '98 appear to have been as weak, as vain, and as incapable as the wildest Young Inlander. General Napper Tandy, once more celebrated than Mitchel or "Meagher of the Sword," is thus described by a spy, who accompanied him on a voyage to Ireland in a privateer, with some French officers, artillerymen, and arms. "With respect to him, the French Directory had little reliance on the great promises he made them. He promised to raise for them in Ireland a legion of 10,000 men; but they suspected his means of doing this, as well as the weakness and vanity of his disposition. Being importunate, the Directory made him a General provisionally (provisoirement): be pledged his head for the success of his proposition; but, to his wofel experience, could not raise a single man, and had scarcely set his foot on Irish ground until obliged to make a precipitate retreat. • * *

"There were on board, besides Tandy, holding the rank of General, provision- ally, from the French Directory, Blackwell, educated under the Jesuits; but at the commencement of the French Revolution being able to proceed no further in that line, entered the army; and on the 14th July last got the command of a company of hussars; was shortly after made a Colonel; and during the passage compelled Tandy to give him first the rank of Adjutant-General and next that of General of Brigade. This Blackwell had Tandy like a child in leading-atringa. There was also on board General Ray, who was during the American war a sort of Commissary-General among the Illinois Indians; a Colonel of Artillery, eight CaptaCaptains ,a Captain of Hussars, and some inferior officers. • • * ins [Tandy's] weakness appears very prominent in the following circum- stance. He has got a few laced coats, which he is eternally overhauling and gazing on. The day he landed, for a few honks, on the Isle of Arran, at Rutland, he in- toxicated himself to such a degree as to be incapable of getting to the boat. * *

"During the action with the Tom armed merchantman, he squatted on the deck, with a pint bottle of brandy, which he emptied twice. "The only thing in which I saw him imitate the man was, that he had put two eight-pound shot in his pockets, to leap overboard in case of striking to the English ship. • "The French officers on board, all accept General Ray, agreed in accusing Tandy of cowardice, imbecility, and wickedness, and wrote a letter of impeach-. tnent against him to the Minister of Marine. The names they gave him were blame, imbecille, scelerat.'"

The Marquis of Londonderry has prefixed to the Correspondence a memoir of his brother; in which he cursorily notes the events of his pub- lic career, but tells much less than might be gained from other sources. There is, however, a curious note from George the Third, after the duel with Canning, and some family anecdotes and particulars from the writer's own knowledge.