22 JULY 1922, Page 17

AN AMERICAN DIPLOMAT IN CHINA.*

THE British public during the War was too much absorbed in the European conflict to pay any attention to the Far East, where Japan, as one of the Allies, was left to control events in her own way. America, however, before she came into the War, continued to take a lively interest in Chinese affairs and viewed with ever increasing distrust the developments of Japanese policy. It was in these years, from 1914 to 1917, that America conceived the suspicions of Japanese designs which occasioned much surprise and concern here when peace returned. Much light is thrown on this obscure but by no means unimportant question in the outspoken memoirs of Dr. Reinsch, who repre- sented America at Peking throughout the War, from 1913 to 1919. He describes the changing phases of Chinese politics with real knowledge and sympathy, though he does not spare his criticism of the weak, corrupt and incompetent Ministers and officials at Peking who offered no serious resistance to Japanese encroachments. The problem is not so much to protect China from foreign aggressions as to save her from her own politicians. Dr. Reinsch says that he found the Chinese particularly anxious to have the help of the American Government and of American capitalists. But President Wilson took no definite action, and American financiers fought shy of Chinese investments, so that the Minister's attempt to advance American interests in China came to nothing. While the full story of the " Twenty-one Demands " put forward by Japan in 1915 is very unpleasant reading, it is difficult to blame the Japanese for seeking com- mercial concessions when they alone were prepared to advance China the money which she needed. Their evasive methods and their persistent efforts to acquire political control under the guise of trading rights were, however, ill-advised and gave rise to a popular anti-Japanese movement in China of which we have not heard the last.

Dr. Reinsch shows his good sense by repeatedly reminding his readers that China is very little affected by the game of politics in Peking. The four hundred millions of Chinese go on with their work as honestly and soberly as they have done for thousands of years past. There are superficial changes, such as the

• An American Diplomat in China. By Paul S. Belnsch. London ; G. Allen and Unwin. [16e. net.] abolition of the pigtail, but the national customs and traditions are unaffected by the establishment of a Republic—or, to be quite accurate, of two Republics, one in the North and the other in the South. The author describes a visit to the Confucian shrines and the tomb of Confucius, still maintained under the guardianship of the " Holy Duke," the seventy-third in line from the sage and the only holder of a permanent dukedom in China. He notes the curious fact that the chair-bearers who take pilgrims up and down the sacred mountain of Taishan, as their forefathers did centuries ago, are Mohammedans. The late dictator, Yuan Shill-Kai, felt it necessary to perform the official " worship of Heaven " at the winter solstice, as Emperors had done from time immemorial ; it was explained that all Chinese farmers adhered to the old ritual and would blame the Republic, if, through any omission of the customary worship, the crops should fail. Dr. Reinsch reminds us.that the young Emperor still keeps his Court in the Forbidden City with the ancient state. He does- not interfere with the Republic and the Republic does not interfere with him. Chang Hsun attempted to restore the Empire in 1917, and might have succeeded if he had prepared the ground and bought over the northern military chiefs. On the other hand, Yuan Shih-Kars assumption of the Imperial title in the winter of 1915-16 was generally felt to be an impro- priety, and the ambitious old man abandoned the title before he died. The Chinese Republicans, it appears, regard the young Emperor as within his rights in continuing to live in the house of his ancestors, from which he may not be driven. Dr. Reinsch quotes a translation of a poem which the Imperial recluse composed for him as a farewell gift, dated "Eleventh year of Hsua,n Tung, sixth month, fifth day " :-- " The red bows unbent

Were received and deposited.

I have here an admirable guest, And with all my heart I bestow one on him.

The bells and drums have been arranged in order, And all the morning will I feast him."

Dr. Reinsch illustrates the inherent capacity of the. Chinese for concerted action by an amusing anecdote :— " In an orphan asylum at Tientsin a new set of regulations had been issued, but the orphans had paid no attention to them. After a good many children had been called to order without result, a meeting was convoked by the principal. When the orphans were asked why they did not obey the regulations, their spokesman said : We are perfectly satisfied with the old regulations, and have no desire to change them.'—` But the new regulations have been made by your teachers,' rejoined the superintendent, ' and they must be obeyed.'—` We do not think,' the spokesman replied, ' that they are an improvement, and we propose to obey the old rules.'—' But, then you shall be punished severely.'—` If you try to punish us, we shall all go away ; and then what will become of the orphan asylum ? ' They had reasoned it out that they were an important part of the institution. That orphans should conceive the idea to go on strike shows how normal and self-evident that mode of social action seems in China."

The orphans' strike was an extreme case of the strikes and boycotts to which the Chinese people habitually resort when their patience is exhausted by local or national misgovernment. A particularly widespread movement of this kind was begun by students when the Allies in Paris, in the spring of 1919, declined to stipulate in the Peace Treaty for the unconditional restoration, of Shantung to China. The Chinese Government were compelled by the pressure of public opinion to refuse to sign the Peace Treaty, and the full consequences of the popular agitation have not yet been realized. The Chinese people are very slow to move, they endure what to us would be intolerable tyranny and confusion, they suffer much foreign interference, but there is a limit to their forbearance. That, it seems to us, is the most valuable lesson of this highly instructive book.