NEWS OF THE WEEK.

A REPORT that Shumla had been carried by the Russians, which has been repeated in several shapes during the week, appears to rest on no other foundation than the previous knowledge of the positions occupied by the invading armies, and the certainty that they will not loiter long before they attempt the grand achievement of the campaign. Fresh reinforcements were pouring in to their aid on all points.

The Sultan continues to fortify Constantinople by sea and land. The powder-magazine of St. Stephano, near the capital, exploded, and killed six hundred Turks, and two hundred Jews : the Sultan has ordered the loss of gunpowder to be made good by the rich Armenians and Greeks—the loss of lives in Turkey is valued at nothing. A heavier misfortune is an insurrection in Bosnia ; the more disastrous at the present moment, as it withdraws an ex- pected succour of forty thousand men.

The first division of the French expedition sailed from Toulon on the 17th. Its destination, ostensibly though not officially, is Greece ; but there are some who affect to think that Egypt is the intended theatre of its exploits. One story is, that the expedition is wanted as an excuse to Ibrahim for evacuating the Morea, as he has received the Sultan's orders to defend himself there to the last extremity. Connected with this subject, angry discussions are said to have arisen at Paris, between the French Minister and the Ambassadors of Britain and Austria.

In its internal polity, France is disquieted by the turbulence of many of the Bishops, who have placed themselves in violent op- position to the Government's plan of popular education. The object of this plan is to rescue education from the Jesuitical influ- ence. The Bishops have published a protest against the Royal ordinances regarding ecclesiastical schools, and refused to avail themselves of the privilege accorded them of nominating three out of the nine members composing the Committees of Surveillance of primary instruction.

The session of the French Legislative Chambers was closed on Monday ; and, as use is, all the members of the Chamber of Deputies present retired shouting " Live the King."

The news from Portugal is of the same dreary character to which we have been accustomed. In Lisbon all is gloom— the Treasury empty, and the prisons full. All the Britishi naval force has been withdrawn from the Douro and the Tagus. An Englishman had formerly been imprisoned at Lisbon for import- ing newspapers ; a Frenchman is now, with equal propriety, im- prisoned for reading them. It is satisfactory to know that the treatment experienced by Sir John Doyle, and by Mr. Young, a useful agent to the underwriters at Lloyd's, has excited the atten- tion of our Government.

It appears that no Portuguese ship of war of any force was off Madeira, when the last accounts came away. Hence the blockade which we recognize exists only on paper. The island was tran- quil ; and the e"Governor was making vigorous preparations for its defence. The British subjects in Madeira were to remain neutral.

A powerful excitement has just been given to political feel- ing in Ireland. An opinion, however it may have originated, has certainly been gaining ground for some time, that Government was at last inclined to come to an amicable arrangement on the subject of the Catholic claims; and this opinion has received much countenance from a speech delivered at Derry, on the 12th inst., by Mr. Dawson, Under Secretary of the Treasury. It has been gene- rally assumed that Mr. Dawson spoke not without some authority; and this, on the other hand, has given rise to boastful threats of the power and number of the Protestants who are ready to resist the Cal tholics. Mr. Dawson is closely allied to many of the leading Pro- testant families in Ireland : he has been long counted upon as one of the ablest champions of that party ; and such an unexpected change in his view of the disputed question, has induced the Opposition journals to surmise that in what he said he had been the chosen organ of Ministers. The Ministerial journals deny that his sen- timents were known to or sanctioned by the Duke of Welling- ton or Mr. Peel. 1Vith or without authority or communication, it seems probable that he has acted under a lively impression of Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald's expulsion from Clare, his cousin's from Waterford, and his own in prospect, by the vast power which the Catholics have now organized ; and the argument which has ef- fected this revolution in Mr. Dawson's opinions may be expected to make many converts.

The time chosen to avow his new convictions, was the anniver- sary of " the Shutting of the Gates." The dinner was numer- ously attended ; and his health having been given by Sir George Hill from the Chair, and drunk with cheers, Mr. Dawson rose, and after a few introductory observations, alluded to the monument erected by the people of Derry to commemorate the siege of the city and the memory of Governor Holken, which had been that day opened to the public. The recollection of the sufferings which their forefathers had endured. in defence of the freedom of conscience, and in support of the constitution, against a bigoted and cruel king, was calcu- lated to arouse the noblest emotions of which the mind was susceptible, and to claim all their sympathy for the gallantry which led them to en- counter the horrors of a lingering death amid plague, pestilence, and famine, rather than yield to a foreign foe and a domestic enemy. But while he was ready to give his utmost meed of applause to their unbend- ing bravery, he could not say that the feelings which their heroism and contempt of suffering excited in his bosom were without alloy. "I have said (continued °Mr. Dawson) that we are called upon to celebrate the valour and success of our forefathers in the defence of their city against a foreign foe and a domestic enemy. What a multitude of recol- lections does such an unnatural combination present—what a painful re- trospection for every true lover of his country—a foreign foe and a do- mestic enemy. (Cheers.) Would that the deeds which we now commemo- rate were confined to the songs of triumph over a foreign enemy, with what unmixed pleasure should we lift the cup to our lips, and raise the shout of triumph in commemoration of our noble defenders ! would to God that we were called upon alone to record the defeat, the disgrace, and rout of the execrable De Rosen and his French squadron. But what person bearing the name of Irishman will say, no matter whether a fol- lower of King Williamor supporter of King James—but what man bear- ing the common name of Irishman will say, that he peruses the narra- tion of those scenes, where the glory and the misery of his country are blended together, without mixed feelings of triumph and disappoint- ment? Let us give our utmost 'need of praise to the valour, the forti- tude, the skill of Walker (cheers) ; but what man, in the exaltation arising from the display of national virtue, can refuse the same praise to his gallant adversary, Sarsfield? (Loud hisses.) If 1 thought any gentle.. man could intend to put me down by clamour, no person should see me at a meeting of this kind again. It is right that, at a meeting such as this, I should express my opinions openly and fearlessly, and I shall do so despite of every attempt to interrupt me. I am here, sir, as a servant of the Crown, and no one can blame me for expressing the honest con- viction of my mind. I say, sir, that no Irishman can blame me for bestowing upon the adversary of Walker that praise to -which his great valour so justly entitled him. (Cries of " No, no, no.") If it be the opinion of the person that we are to withhold our meed of approbation from Sarsfield, what a pitiful, cringing creature he must be ! (Loud hisses.) Both were Irishmen, both were brave, both skilful, and both have conferred immortal honour on the character of the Irish soldier; but their prowess was proved in the shedding of each other's blood, and though both were heroes, whose personal qualities were calculated to shed a lustre on our national annals, the misfortunes of the times have compelled our historians to paint them according to the bias of their po- litical feelings, either as martyrs or as traitors. In the struggle between Kinn. William and James the Second, the citizens of Derry were the first to show their attachment to the principles of liberty, and to set the examples of a devoted sacrifice in defence of the freedom of con- science, and the support of the constitution against a tyrannical and cruel king. But let it be recollected, amidst all the triumphant feelings of those glorious days, that the enemies with whom our ancestors had to contend, were natives of the same soil—(" No, no ")— that they adhered to the religion of their forefathers—that they fought in defence of a king to whom they had sworn allegiance—(hisses)— from whom that allegiance had never been withdrawn, and under whose sway they were content to live. Happily, in the struggle, the cause of justice and liberty was triumphant. The whole kingdom has felt the benefit of that glorious trial, and the descendants of men who contri- buted so largely to the salvation of the empire have a right to feel a just pride in the exploits of their ancestors, and to commemorate, with be- coming gratitude, their deliverance from danger. As one of the de- scendants of the warriors of that day, not, indeed, of time who endured the siege in the city of Derry, but of those who volunteered their services to King William, I attend this anniversary. I attend here to mark my approval of the principles of the revolution of 1688; but I wish it to be particularly understood, that I do not attend here to mark any tri- umph over my Roman Catholic brethren. I wish to blot out for ever the recollection that the triumph of those days was achieved over natives of the same soil. I cling only to the blessings which we have gained, namely, the enjoyment of a free constitution ; and I will not diminish the value of such a legacy by a heart-burning reference to national strife, and by tearing open afresh the wounds of civil warfare. Having made these declarations, and thanking you sincerely for the honour which you have done me, I might now close my task; but it is impossible not to see that under the present very peculiar circumstances of the country, something more is expected from a man who has the honour of being your representative in parliament, and who is no inactive spectator of the passing events, than the mere formal ceremony of making a compli- mentary speech. I shall therefore take this opportunity of making a few observations upon the internal condition of this country, begging of you at the same time to bear in mind that my remarks are made without re- ference to the opinions of any other individual, that they spring from my own observation of the events of the day, and that they are totally unin- fluenced by party connections or official station. It is a source of the most gratifying pleasure to me to be able to state most unequivocally, that I see a marked improvement in the condition of the people ; it is visible in every class, it is corroborated by a reference to those tests, in which there can be no deceit. If we were to believe the rumours of the day, if we were to be guided by the reports of the public newspa- pers, we might fancy ourselves in a state of insurrection, and in a

country where there was no security for life or property, from whence

industry had fled, where commerce was extinct, and where poverty and starvatimi had almost completed their work of degradation and de- struction. It is astonishing to see with what avidity the public mind is ready to receive even the most incredible fabrications with respect to Ireland, and how little the real condition of this country is understood. But what are the facts ? The English newspapers teem with reports that Ireland is in a state of insurrection, because a couple of regiments have received orders to march from England to replace other regiments that are about to leave this country—they land at Belfast, and the whole north of Ireland is supposed to be in a state of alarm ; but what is the fact ? I Will venture to assert that so perfect is the state of tranquility in this province, there is hardly to be found a single family which would think it necessary to fasten the latch of their door. But let us refer to more convincing evidence than mere assertion. The assizes are just finished ; there, at least, are to be found the tests of crime and outrage, if they exist in the country ; but when, within the memory of man, have the gaols been emptied with so few evidences of the demoralization of society—when can we recollect so few instances of sanguinary outrage, of midnight robbery, or party violence ? I heard the judges declare their perfect astonishment at the tranquillity of the country, and we heard their congratulations in this city that they found no crimes on the circuit, but such as must exist in every mixed state of society. Is trade extinct ? Has commerce fled, and is starvation staring us in the face? Look at the quays of Belfast and Derry—look at the numerous steam-vessels departing every day for Glasgow, Liverpool, and London—and can any man say that trade is extinct ? (Cries of "Oh, oh.") Look at our fairs and markets, and let us ask ourselves if industry has fled ; more animated scenes of business and activity cannot be found, and no com- plaint is heard, save the never-failing one of the lowness of prices. Where are to be found the proofs of general poverty and starvation ? Food is so cheap that it is within the reach of every individual of even the least industry ; potatoes vary from 4d. to 6d. a bushel, a price which will enable a man to maintain himself for little more than a half-penny a day ; and provisions of all kinds are so abundant, that the markets of Liverpool, Glasgow, and Bristol, are actually overloaded with Irish pro- duce. Such is the condition of this part of Ireland, I speak only of this province, with which I am best acquainted, and I will defy any man to contradict the statement which I have made. It may be said that I have exaggerated the picture of our prosperity, and that such a state of things is incompatible with the general confession of the distracted state of Ireland. But the elements of prosperity are to be found in the never- failing resources of a rieh soil, a hardy and industrious people, and a neighbouring market ready to receive all our produce. But, with such advantages, and with such resources, there is one ingredient that poisons all our blessings, and which, it is in vain to deny it, meets us in every sta- tion, in every society, and in every undertaking—I mean the state of our religious and political dissensions, or, in other words, the Catholic ques- tion. I have not staid here for a trifling object, such as to drink the 'Glorious Memory,' or cheer the Prentice Boys.' It is my duty, as I am here, to state to the meeting my opinions with respect to that great question ; and I beg: the attention of this company to the description of the condition to which in my opinion this subject has reduced the coun- try. In place of an exclusive devotion to the business of life, and an industrious pursuit of professional occupations, the only sure road to -wealth and eminence, this question has made every man, from the peer to the peasant, a politician—it is the absorbing topic of every man's discourse, and it is in consequence the fruitful parent of exaggerated fears, of unmeasured pretensions, of personal hatred, of religious fury, of political strife, of calumny, of abuse and persecution, such as is not to be found in any other part of the civilized world. No mat- ter what your pursuits—no matter what your disposition may he, the subject pursues you in every part of the country. It is the prevailing topic of your breakfast-table—of your dinner-table, of your supper- table—it is the subject of debate among men ; it is the cause of alarm among women ; it meets you at the Castle of Dublin ; it meets you at the house of the country gentleman ; it creeps into our courts of justice ; it is to be found at the grand jury ; it is to be found at the petty sessions ; it is to be seen in the vestry-room; it is to be seen at the markets and fairs; it is to be found even at our places of amusement—it meets you wherever you go. Would that the whole evil ended here; but we may see what the mischief of such a state of things must be in the convulsed state of society, and the annihilation of all those ties upon which the well- being of society depends. The state of Ireland is an anomaly in the his- tory of civilized nations—it has no parallel in ancient or modern history, and being contrary to the character of all civil institutions, it must ter- minate in general anarchy and confusion. It is true that we have a Government to which an outward obedience is shewn, which is respon- sible to Parliament, and answerable to God for the manner of administer- ing its functions ; but it is equally true, that an immense majority of the people look up, not to the legitimate Government, but to an irrespon- sible and to a self-constituted Association, for the administration of the affairs of the country.—The peace of Ireland depends not upon the Government, but upon the dictation of the Catholic Aaeociation. (Cries of "More's the shame; shame; why not pit it down ?" It has defied the Government, and trampled upon the law of the land ;.—and it is beyond contradiction, that the same power which banished a Cabinet Minister from the representation of his country, because he was a Minister or the King, can maintain or disturb the peace of the country just as it suits their caprice or ambition. The same danger impends over every institution established by law. The churclaenjoys its dignity, and the clergy enjoy their revenues by the law of the land; but we know not know soon it may please the Catholic Association to issue its anathemas against the payment of tithes; and what man is hardy enough to say, that the Catholic people will disobey its mandates ? It depends upon the Catholic Association—no man can deny it—whether the clergy are to receive their incomes or not. (Uproar.) The condition of the landlords is not more consoling—already they have been robbed of their influence over their tenantry—already they have become but mere ciphers upon their estates—nay, in many places they are worse than ciphers—they have been forced to become the tools of their domineering masters, the Catholic priesthood ; and it depends upon a single breath, a single reso- lution of the Catholic Association, whether the landlords are to be robbed of their rents or not. So perfect a system of organization was never yet achieved by any body not possessing the legitimate powers of govern- ment; it is powerful, it is arrogant—it derides, and it triumphed over the enactments of thelegislature, and in filling its coffers from the voluntary con- tributions ofthepeople—( Uproar,criesof" No,no,they arenot voluniary!")— consolidates to itself a power from which it may supply the sinews of war, or u nejarm i ne by endless litigation and persecution the established institutions of title country. Such is the power of this new phenomenon ; and I will ask any man, has it been slow to exercise its influence ? In every place where the Catholic population predominates, it is all powerful and irresistible— it has subdued two-thirds of Ireland by its denunciations, more completely than Oliver Cromwell or King William ever subdued the country by the sword. The aristocracy, the clergy, the gentry, are all prostrate before it. In those devoted regions a perfect abandonment of all the dignity and influence belonging to station and rank seems to have taken place ; or if a struggle be made, as in Clare, it is only to insure the triumph of this daring autocrat. In those parts of Ireland where the Protestant and Catholic population is pretty equally divided, the same influence is felt, if not in so aggravated a degree, at least so mischievously, that comfort and security are alike uncertain. Such, gentlemen, is the picture of this country—a country possessing every material, by the bounty of God and. the intelligence of its natives, to become great, powerful, and wealthy, but in which every hope is blasted, and every exertion frustrated, by the unhappy dissensions of its inhabitants. And now, gentlemen, it is time to ask ourselves the question—what must be the result of such a disordered state of things, and such a complete overthrow of all the relations of society ? Some gentlemen will say rebellion—and the sooner it comes the sooner we shall be able to crush it. (Loud (heers, which lasted for several minutes.) Now I entertain a very different opinion—it is not the interest, andI firmly believe it is not thewish of the Roman Catholic leaders to drive the people into rebellion. (Loud hisses.) We have the best security for the purity of their intentions (hisses), in that respect, in the stake which they hold in the country, and in the moral conviction that they would be the first victims of a rsbellion. (Loud cries from several voices, " No, no, we would he the first.") If a rebellion should take place, it will not be from the orders or example of the Roman Catholic leaders, (hisses.) but from the readiness of the two contending parties to come into conflict with each other, and from the total impossibility of checking the ebullition of popular phrenzy, if the two parties be goaded or exasperated against each other by inflammatory speeches or exaggerated misrepresentations. But the result will be a state of society far worse than the rebellion. It will be a revolution ; a revolution not effected by the sword, but by under- mining the institutions of the country, and involving every establishment, civil, political and religious.—There never was a time when the whole Catholic body (and it signifies very little whether their numbers be two millions or six millions) there never was a time when the whole body was so completely roused and engrossed by political passions as at pre- sent. They have found out the value of union—they have put in practice the secret of combination—they feel a confidence in the force of num- bers—they have laid prostrate the pomp and power of wealth—they have contended against the influence of authority, and the decrees of the le- gislature, and they have enjoyed an easy triumph over both. At pre- sent there is an union of the clergy, the laity, and the people. The clergy and the laity are the contrivers, but the people are the tools by which this extraordinary power has been gained; but soon they will find their own force, and some audacious democrat will start up, who will spurn all restraints, civil and spiritual, and who) will consign the whole power of Ireland to an absolute and senseless mob. Now gentlemen, with such a state of things staring us in the face, (and I do not think I have overcharged the picture,) there comes the last question—what is to be done ? Can we go back to the penal laws? God forbid that such an experiment should be made —it is revolting to common sense—it is revolting to the dignity of man. Can we persevere in our present system ? The statement which I have made, and the firm impression made upon my mind by an anxious attention to passing events, is, that we cannot remain in our present situation. Something must be done. There is but one al- ternative, either to crush the Catholic Association—(eheers for several minutes)—there is hut one alternative, either to crush the Catholic Asso- ciation, or to look at the question with an intention to settle it. Let us exercise all our ingenuity—let us argue with all our subtlety, there is no alternative ; and with such a conviction upon my mind, I felt myself called upon to exhort my countrymen—men whom I have the honour of representing, to abstain from irritating haraneues, to pausa, and to weigh well the dangers of the country—to dismiss all personal bitterness from the contemplation of a whole nation's welfare, and to devise some means, with satisfaction to all parties, for restoring the predominance of esta- blished authority, and giving security to the recognised, the legal, the constitutional institutions of society. I speak here as a member of par- liament, as it member of the government, and as a Citizen of the world. Is it possible that I can look with apathy upon the degraded state of my Catholic countrymen ? (Loud hisses.) I cannot express too strongly the contempt I feel for the persons who thus attempt to put me down. If the representation of the county depended upon the votes of those who interrupt me, I would not condescend to ask them, though their suf- frages would secure my return. I must know, mixing as I do in the world, and holding the high situation I do, how the interests of Great Britain are wrapped in the safety of Ireland. There is but one topic more, before I conclude an address already too long. A threat has been held out that the north of Ireland, and this county, in particular, is to be visited by some itinerant demagogues, to stir up the ele- ments of discord. Let them undertake this task at their own peril. There never was a time when the Protestant proprietary were more determined to rise as one man to resist such an invasion. The attempt will be hopeless, utterly hopeless ; but let them pause well an the consequences. They will meet here a sturdy, a bold, a determined, and, if driven to retaliation, a fierce yeomanry—they will be answerable to God and man for the floods of blood that will flow from such an attempt; no power can controul it, but upon them be the responsibility. Let their deluded victims also reflect upon the fate which will attend them. If once the kindly tie which binds them to the landlord be broken, the result will be, not a quiet submission of the landlords, but, a transfer of their lands to Protestant tenants; thousands are to be found in this county who want such lands, and the force of numbers will no longer protect them, as it has hitherto done their deluded brethren in the south. I speak these words in kindness and in advice to them. With respect to myself, I shall be found at my post, and ready to make every sacrifice in defence of the rights of my country, the character of its gentry, and the support of the constitution."

Mr. Schoales next addressed the meeting; and the burden of his speech was the zeal of the "'Prentice Boys" at the last rebellion ; the praise of the Irish yeomanry, mixed with a lamentation that any thought of dis- pensing with their services should ever have been entertained. His opinion was that the Association ought to be crushed, and nothing con- ceded to the Catholics. Most of the other speeches were in the same spirit : it was maintained that the Catholic Association should be put down in a summary manner, and at whatever risks. The assembly did not separate ttll two o'clock next morning.

Two days after this, at a dinner given in Dublin to Mr. Moore, one of the representatives of the city, Mr. Ellis, of the Irish Chancery, boasted that there were "four hundred thousand" Pro- testants armed and organized ready to resist the encroachments of the Catholics.

Alderman Beresford spoke as follows 1—" It is just now forty-eight hours since I returned thanks for the same toast within the walls of Derry, and if anything could give me comfort in rising to speak, it would be the recollection of what I had witnessed since I came into this room. In truth, the exhibition of genuine Protestant feeling, which all present must have seen with much satisfaction, has imparted to my heart a gleam of comfort, which, after what happened elsewhere, comes upon me with double pleasure. In returning thanks at Derry for the Corporation of Dublin, I was unable at the moment to say all I thought of the vacil- lating conduct of one to whom I am linked by the ties of blood as well as friendship. I allude to what was said by my relative, Mr. Dawsor., at the dinner which took place at Derry on Tuesday. It would not be my province to rise for the purpose of saying anything that could be hurtful to the feelings of one for whom I have long entertained the warmest friendship—but being on my leas, in obedience to the call of this assem- bly, I feel it absolutell, necessary to give some comfort to those I left be- hind me in Derry, and who are now labouring under the impression—the false impression, 1 am most happy to say—that the cause of the consti- tution was lost. The impression left upon the minds of the inhabitants of Derry by the speech of Mr. Dawson was, that the Government had deserted the Protestants of Ireland, and that it was the .intention of his Majesty's Minisws tu brinz in a Bill early in the neat Seasion na Poolat. meat, tar which the PrMeslant Cnystilution of this muntry irws to he sneri- fired. It is right that I should, as speedily as possible, convey to the loyal inhabitants of Derry that comfort of which they stand so much in need. They considered Mr. Dawson as a person possessed of great faults, and also possessed of great virtues. His greatest fault was his tenacity of office, and his greatest virtue his support of the Protestant cause. Mr. Dawson was a man \vim they knew had used words in his advocacy of that cause of so offensive a nature to the Roman Catholics, that his most zealous supporters could have wished they had been more mild. When, I say, they found this gentleman all at once turning round and telling them, that the Catholic Association was all-powerful—that it had, in fact, usurped the functions of the legal Government—that it had.'filled its coffers by the voluntary contributions (that was the phrase)—the vo- luntary contributions of the people—and that the power of the law Could not put it down—why, when they heard such sentiments from the bro- ther-in-law of Mr. Peel, what conclusion could they come to but that the cause was gone? Proud I am to say, that there was not a man in the room, at the time Mr. Dawson gave utterance to these sentiments, that was not ready to lay down his life in the defence of the Constitution. (Cheers.) Such was the loyal enthusiasm which animated the breasts of all his auditors, that not a man in the room could be found to listen to him with patience. On that day upwards of ten thousand of the finest yeomanry I ever saw walked in procession. We were told before dinner, that it was fit, as a matter of economy, that the yeomanry should be disarmed—and we were told after dinner that we must be crushed under the feet of the Association, inasmuch as the Government could not resist it. (Cheers.) These, my Lord, were the sentiments which damped the spirits of the Protestants at Derry. But when, my Lord, I hear these distinguished individuals by whom you are now surrounded—men pos- sessing rank and influence in the country, and who must have the ear of the Government—when, I say, I hear such men proposing the health of Robert Peel, as the uncompromising supporter of Protestant ascendancy, why, I am led to the conclusion, that they would not do so unless they had good grounds for knowing him to be such ; and therefore 1100k upon the opinions expressed in Derry as the isolated opinions of Robert Dawson, and I do not value them a farthing. (Cheers.) It grieved me to see the man I valued so highly, turn recreant to the cause of the Constitution; but, at the same time, it was some consolation to me to find, that he had not a single constituent in the room who responded to the sentiments he uttered. I am glad to have an opportunity of echoing back the senti- ments which were uttered here this night ; and it will be cheering to the Protestants of Derry to learn that they are not wholly deserted. I wish it, however, to be understood, that it is not my sentiments that are to cheer them, but the sentiments of the nobility and gentry of the land. The Protestants of the North will now see that their, brethren are not looking on in tame apathy. The knowledge that they have kindred spirits here, who feel for their sufferings, and are ready to make common cause with them in the strug-gle in which I frar we shall all be soon emzaged, will renovate their exertions ; and that vigour which, in 1798, enabled them to conquer the enemies of the Constitution, will, now that they are sur- rounded by the same rebels, cheer them once more to victory. (Cheers.) To be told, that motives of economy have induced the Government to decide upon the disarming of the yeomanry, is more than a man's patience can endure. 'Why, in one session of Parliament three times the sum sufficient to defray the expense of maintaining all the yeomanry in Ireland was lavished upon beautifying the city of London ; and Ireland is to be sacrificed for a paltry economy such as this! Mr. Dawson said it was an unfair thing to erect a column to Walker, and not at the same time to erect one to Sarsfield. He then gave us a lecture upon civil war—and he also told us, that as we could not retrace our steps, we must yield to the Association. I told him, when I was returning thanks for the Corpora-, tion of Dublin, that if I put it to the 'prentice boys, would they give way to it, the reply would be, 'no surrender ;' and I told the men of Derry also, that if I put the same question to you, the reply would be, that you never would. (Loud cries of' .Nerer never?) I told them the truth, and you are but echoing the words which I attributed to you. I have now given some comfort to my friends in Derry, and it is time I should say something for the Corporation. The Protestant Corporation of Dublin have before now mortgaged their estates, and spilt their blood in defence of the Constitution. They will do so, if it be necessary, as long as a Con- stiitution exists, and that I trust will be for ever."

Other demonstrations of strength by both the parties have taken place. At Enniskillen, the 12th of August was celebrated with (Treat parade, and a procession consisting of fifty thousand men.

SATURDAY NIGHT.

Up to a late hour this evening, there is no additional intelli- gence from the Russian army, either at the Russian Embassy or at the Government offices.

A Brazilian frigate has sailed from Falmouth to raise the blockade of Madeira.

Letters from Buenos Ayres, dated June 13, entirely discounte- nance the rumour of peace having been made with Brazil.

'We have this morning received accounts from Lincolnshire, Yorkshire, Hampshire, Berkshire, and Sussex, relative to the state of the harvest. A great deal of corn has been carried, but the average produce in these counties appears to be from 3 to 5 bushels per acre less than that of last year. Letters from Riga announce that an agent of the French Government had arrived there for the purpose of purchasing corn. Advices from Canada represent the harvest there as very unfavourable, in consequence of the prevalence of rain. •