Tatbatts an Vroccebings in Varlianunt.

EMPLOYMENT IN IRELAND.

In the House of Lords, on Tuesday, the Marquis of LANSDOWNE moved that the House go into Committee on the bill to facilitate the employment of the poor in Ireland; the provisions of which he explained—

He hoped that whatever might be the severity of the ordeal through which . Ireland was now passing, it would be followed by a beneficial change in its social system. He entertained the hope also that it would have a tendency to accelerate that change in the condition of the small Irish farmer which had already coin: menced, by making him a day-labourer instead of a farmer without capital, and convincing him that he had within his own reach the means of producing suste- nance.

Lord MONTRAGLE gave a qualified support to the bill: he questioned the efficiency of the proposed auxiliary modes of relief— • The supply of Indian corn might now, though it could not last year, be safely left to the usual course of trade; but with respect to supplying employment, he regretted that the proposal contained in the bill had not been brought forward earlier in the session. The injury sustained by the, potato crop exceeded every- thing which could have been anticipated. Never in modern tunes was there so small a stock of potatoes calculated for food as at present. He had great confi- dence in the effect which would be produced by a free trade in Indian earn • and it afforded him great gratification to find that the people of Ireland had not only ac- commodated themselves to the use of Indian corn as food, but had begun to prefer it to their usual food. With the supplies of that article expected from the other side of the Atlantic and the ports of the Mediterranean, there was no reason for anticipating any deficiency in the supply of that description of food for the Irish people. The grant of 600001. would be quite inadequate to itspurpose. Private sub-' scriptions in aid of the grants should be enforced. The bill before the House provided that the rate in repayment of the advances should be levied on the Poor-. law valuation: but in taking that valuation, they were adopting a rule which had proved fraudulent and unjust. So variable was that valuation, that property estimated today at 641. might be valued tomorrow at 73L, property veined at 671. might be raised to 1061., at 811. to 1191., and so on. The bill would be a greater blow against the improvements now going on than anything that had yet taken place. The proposition would work against those who were willing to amend the state of the tenantry on their own estates, and was against the principle of the clause moved by the Duke of Wellington in the Poor-law. They were now de- - parting from that principle, and making a well-managed estate pay a greater tax in proportion to the improvement, whilst the rack rented unimproved land in the vicinity would have the benefit. This was a rank injustice- and n ..n these groundshe thought the bill would prove mischievous. He wished to ...w how any one could distinguish the system under this bill from a system of out-door relief. In the Committee on Land Burdens, Mr. Senior declared, that if to the existing Poor-law of Ireland there was superadded an out-door relief, the mi.Aief which had been produced in England during a period of three hundred yeses

would be produced in Ireland within ten years, and would lead to an entire con- fiscation. Mr. Cornwall Lewis thought it would be a disastrous measure—that it would absorb all the surplus produce of the soil, and in a short time prove most detrimental to the persons it was intended to benefit; and Mr. Gulson, Twisselton, Mr. Clements, the Archbishop of Dublin, the Archbishop Murray, and Lord Glengall, were equally strenuous in their objections to any such pro- posal.

The Earl of WICKLOW concurred in everything which had fallen from the Marquis of Lansdowne; but objected, like Lord Monteagle, to the rates being levied according to the. Poor-law valuation. The clergy ought to be exempt, considering the many calls which were made on their charity.

The Duke of Gail-roar was apprehensive that if the funds to be ac- quired under the bill were employed in building bridges and making roads, the cultivation of the land might be neglected. The Marquis of LanDowNE, in reply to a remark about the tendency of the measure to establish a system of out-door relief, stated that the Government did not intend to lay the foundation of any such system; their conviction being that it would be peculiarly mischievous in Ireland.

The bill then went through Committee.

On Thursday, the Earl of RODEN, before adjourning for the recess, made a forcible appeal to the sympathies of the House, and to the humanity and patriotism of Irish landlords, in behalf of the suffering but resigned people— He could speak of the calamity from personal observation. He had traversed a great part of the province of Munster, and he was not guilty of any exaggera- tion when he stated that during the whole progress of that journey he did not see one field that was not either decaying or had not actually decayed from the dis- ease. There was a deficiency, too, in the oat crop; and if that deficiency should prove to be general, the calamity would be awfully increased. If his voice could reach the ears of those individuals who possessed any property in Ireland, and it could have any effect to speak to them from that place upon so solemn a subject, he would implore them, under every circumstance, to in home to their country and people; to live among them, and encourage them m their present difficulties; and to show them that they themselves were willing, under these great trials, to share with them the evils they were forced to bear. The Earl of CLARENDON echoed the call—

He could not permit the subject to close without appealing to all those whopos sassed property in Ireland to combine together in alleviating the dreadful calamity with which it had pleased Providence to afflict Ireland. No time should at that most important moment be lost in adjuring every one who had any interest in Ire land, and not only those but all persons in this country, to unite together in one common effort to relieve this distress.

In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, Mr. Dir.r.ox BaowatE called attention to the distress which prevailed in Mayo—

The potato crop was not alone a failure, but it had almost completely disap- peared. The Government proposal for creating employment had given the great- est satisfaction: it could not, however, be regarded as altogether adequate to the emergency; and he hoped that the !Government would adopt additional and speedier measures of relief.

Mr. LABOUCHERE promised the 'unremitting attention of the Govern- ment to the subject—

He admitted that the failure of the potato crop was much more general than that of last year. He found from recent accounts, however, that Indian meal was selling at Westport at a penny a pound, and that thirty tons had recently been sold at that price. Potatoes had been selling at lid. and 2d. per stone; but he ad- mitted that some of them had been forced into the market in consequence of being diseased. The crop of Indian corn in the United States was abundant; and he hoped that that circumstance, combined with the exertions of the Govern- ment, and the assistance which no doubt would be rendered by the Irish land- lords, would tend to mitigate the effects of the existing calamity. All the ac- counts of the distress which prevailed in Ireland had been accompanied with the gratifying assurance that the people in general had evinced the greatest patience and most peaceable disposition under all these trying circumstances; and that the clergy of all denominations, Catholic and Protestant, had used their best efforts to check that spirit of exaggeration and panic which if spread abroad might lead to the most evil consequences.

LORD LYNDHURST AND LORD GEORGE BENTINCK.

The House of Peers had a sitting on Saturday; which enabled Lord LYNDHURST to put forth an instant reply to Lord George Bentinck's as- sertion of the preceding evening, that Lord Lyndhurst had made to him, through a mutual friend, overtures for a political partnership—

He did not consider it necessary to go into the other parts of Lord George Bentinck's statement, but would limit himself to the new matter he had in- troduced. After the present Government was formed, the different members of the Conservative party appeared to show a desire to unite. This feeling was dis- played in the House of Lords; and it appeared to Lord Lyndhurst exceedingly desirable that the same object should be effected in the other House. He thought that from the position he stood in—well known to be retiring finally from public life—he might, without a suspicion that he had any personal object in view, offer his mediation in this behalf. He represented to several of his friends, members of the other House, that it was of great importance that former dif-

ferences should be forgotten, now that the great measure was passed which had mainly led to those differences. In order that his effort might not be sub-

jected to misconstruction, he communicated with Sir Robert Peel, as well as others. "I called upon the right honourable Baronet at the head of the late Government, and stated to him what I intended to do. I called upon him, not for the purpose of obtaining any opinion from him—not to obtain his con- currence—bat to let him know what I was doing and intended to do. On that occasion, I stated to him what I had stated before to every other person

with whom I had communicated on the subject, namely, that what I was doing had no reference to any particular measure or set of measures, but that I only desired to put an end to the differences which existed, and again to unite the Conservative party. I made the same communication to the right honour- able Baronet who was lately the Secretary for the Home Department, almost in the same terms, and with the same qualification. While this was going on, and after I had seen several friends on the subject, a gentleman with whom I was

formerly much acquainted, but the intercourse with whom had been suspended in consequence of recent political differences, called upon me for thepurpose of learning what my intentions were on the subject. I told him frankly the course which I meant to pursue; and he did not disapprove of it. I found it, however, impossible to communicate with individuals who had entertained feelings hostile to myself and the late Government, to any sufficient extent to accomplish the object which I had in view. Lord Stanley was at that time absent from London, in a distant part of the country; and therefore it occurred to me that it would be

best, under the circumstances' to open a communication with the noble Lord

who had been selected as the leader of the Protectionist party in the House of Commons—Lord George Bentinck. Accordingly, I sent a simple message to him, requesting to know whether he would see me for the purpose of considering

whether the differences which existed among the Conservative party might not be settled. I sent that message through the gentleman to whom reference is reported to have been made in the other House. No allusion whatever was made to the Sugar I3W, nor did it ever enter into my contemplation. It was a mere simple message, requesting to know whether he would meet me, either at hie own house or at my residence. The answer I received was a very short and simple one, namely, that he was disposed to decline the kroposal, because he wished any communication of that nature to be made to Lord Stanley rather than to him. The. gentleman who was bearer of the message was not known to me; I had never seen him before. I do not know what passed on the occasion, and the only thing of which I am cognizant is the return of the message to which I have referred. It is reported to have been said by the noble Lord, that I had stated that three other late Cabinet Ministers entertained the same views as myself, and that I my- object was to oppose the Sugar Bill. I can only say that, as far as I am concerned nothing of the kind was said, or even in the most distant manner alluded to. have seen the gentleman who carried the message back, and who is alluded to as an eminent merchant, only once since; and I never conversed with him on the subject. I sent the message, I received the answer, and I dismissed the subject at once from my mind. I tried two or three other quarters, to see if the parties could advance the object which I had in view; but I found so much bitterness of feeling, and so much personal hostility, that I abandoned the task, and took no further steps in the matter. I made no secret of what had occurred. I men- tioned it to several noble Lords who are members of this House; and among others, I stated it to be a noble Lord opposite, whom I have now in my eye. (" Hear, hear!" from the Earl of Clarendon.) I told him of the attempt which I had made, and that I had found there was so much of bitterness remain- ing among the members of the party that it was impossible to accomplish the object which I had in view, and that I had therefore abandoned the task. Now, what is the story built upon this ? It is that I wanted to raise a factious opposi- tion to the Sugar Bill. That I utterly deny. I took no part in the discussion

upon that measure; I did not even vote upon the question. But then it is insin- uated, that I was desirous of forming a political connexion with the noble Lord, in order that I might again come into office in conjunction with him. Now every- body well knows that I am not a candidate for office. Everybody holding office has been acquainted with the fact, that, in consequence of a severe attack of illness, office has been to me a painful and irksome task, and that I am desirous of re- tiring from public life, and passing the short remainder of my days in the society

of my friends and family-' and nothing could have dragged me forth, even on this occasion, but the virulent personal attack which has been made upon me.° He had corresponded that morning with the gentleman who was the bearer of the message; and his report of what took place between him and Lord George Bentinck was written down from his dictation, and is as follows—" I stated to' Lord George Bentinck, that I had come with a message from Lord Lyndhurst, the object of which was to express a desire, on the part of his Lordship, that the Conservative party, which was now unfortunately split up, should be reuni- ted as speedily as possible; and that several of his political friends joined in this feeling with him. That he would be happy to come into _personal communica- tion with Lord George Bentinck with that view, either at is own house or that of Lord George. Lord George Bentinck's answer was, that as ho was acting under Lord Stanley, who with Lord Lyndhurst were members of the House of Peers, he thought it better that all communication on the subject should pass between those noble Lords; that he was in full and cordial cooperation with Lord Stanley, or words to that effect. This is all that pdssed in reference to Lord Lyndhurst."

He had also received that morning a message from Lord Chief Baron Pollock, authorizing him to state that it was not true that the office of Judge at Bombay had been pressed upon his brother; • and it was only after he had himself deter- mined to accept the office that the Chief Baron had told him he had done right. Lord Lyndhurst concluded with the remark, that he was sure their Lordships

would be satisfied that he had done right in stating circumstances which went to repel the inferences attempted to be built up. by Lord George Bentinck on the message which he had sent. He also explained, that the reason why he had sent that message by a gentleman with whom he was not personally acquainted, was because one of his private secretaries, to whom he had intimated that he was unacquainted with Lord George Bentinck, and knew no one who was acquainted with him, recommended the gentleman as a personal friend of his own, who was also acquainted with Lord George Bentinck.

The Duke of GaAs-Tort thought the House were called upon to express an opinion: for himself, he begged to express his satisfaction with the state- ment just made.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE did not think that any discussion was ne- cessary— Under the specific circumstances of the case, he perfectly acquiesced in the course taken by the noble and learned Lord. The House had paid that respectful attention to the noble and learned Lord which his great talents and high character demanded; and he thought it not expedient that the discussion upon it should proceed any further. Lord LYNDHURST—" I did not make the statement with a view to elicit any expression of opinion upon it by the House." On Monday, the subject was again adverted to by Lord LYNDHURST; a communication from Sir Robert Peel being the cause— An imperfect report of the statement made on Saturday bad appeared in the Standard of Saturday evening; and that report having come under the notice of Sir Robert Peel, Sir Robert was apprehensive that the purport of the communica- tion which had taken place between him and Lord Lyndhurst might be miscon- strued. Lord Lyndhurst repeated, that the object of his communication with Sir Robert Peel was not to obtain his concurrence, but simply to let him know what he was doing; thinking it better that he should make the explanation himself than trust it to any other source. In the statement he made on Saturday, he had confined himself to what he had said and done himself: in the absence of com- munication with Sir Robert Peel he did not consider that he bad any authority to

state how he had been received by Sir Robert. Lord Lyndhurst now read a part of Sir Robert Peel's note from Drayton Manor. "My recollection of what passed

between us," Sir Robert writes, " is this. You wrote to me a note, expressing a wish for an interview; which took place on the same day. At. that interview you in- formed me of a fact of which I was not previously aware—that you had been in communication with sonic members of the late Government, and of the party which supported it, with a view to the healing of animosities and the reconstruc- tion of the Conservative party; that before you went further, you had resolved to speak to me; that the part you were taking was a disinterested one, for that your own return to office was out of the question. My answer was, that I must decline being any party to the proceeding to which you referred. I said that the return to office was as little in my contemplation as it was in yours; and that as I was not prepared to enter into any party combination with that view, I felt it incum- bent upon me, under such circumstances, to leave to those with whom I had been previously connected in political life the entire liberty to judge for themselves with regard to the formation of any new party connexion. I do not recollect, and have not here the means of ascertaining, the day on which our conversation took place; but I believe the above to be a perfectly correct account of the purport of it."

Lord Lyndhurst proceeded—" I fully concur in this statement. My object in attempting the conciliatory negotiation was what I before represented it to be; and the right honourable Baronet seems so to have understood me; but he stated that, as far as he was concerned, he did not wish to interfere in the proceeding. I cannot avoid expressing my regret that I am entangled in any of these state- ments. I would much rather bear a great load of imputation than engage in per- sonal controversies of this kind."

The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH delivered a message from Lord Brougham-

He was requested to say, that the assertion that Lord Brougham recommended the appointment of Mr. Pollock, to make room for his friend Mr. Charles Phil- lips, could not by any possibility be true, inasmuch as he suggested the appoint-. ment, not of Mr. Pollock, but of another gentleman, whose appointment would not have occasioned a vacancy in the office to which Mr. Phillips had been ap- pointed.

On Tuesday, the Earl of RIPON attended in his place for the express purpose of repelling the insinuations which had been indulged against biro—

After the explanatory statement, however, which had been made by Lord Lynd- hurst, he did not think it necessary to go into the same details. He would wil- lingly have abstained from saying anything on the subject, had such a course been compatible with what he owed to his own honour; but he could not be silent on the charge respecting the living of Nocton. "I am bound to state, as I do here upon my honour as a gentleman, and if it were the last word I were to utter on this side the grave, that I do absolutely deny, in the most unqualified manner, that there either is or was the slightest foundation for the imputation which has been cast upon me." He felt that the disposal of ecclesiastical patronage is a matter of awful responsibility. With what feeling could he enter the walls of that parish- church—with what feeling but a sense of shame and degradation, a sense of shame more easily conceivable than described—if he had been guilty of so scan- dalous an offence! He stood upon his character, which had been before the world for thirty years; • and if that would not defend him against the attack to which he bad been exposed, no argument or explanation could do it. He had received no notice of the intention to make such a charge: he was as much astonished when he heard the accusation as if he had been accused of committing a murder. " It was a proceeding neither usual nor courteous, nor, above all, just; and I hope that it is the last time that any accusation of the sort will be preferred in such a man- ner, and in such a hurry, without giving the individual accused an opportunity of replyin , and of vindicating his character." But it appears that the scandal has

ed from some unknown and unnamed person. I wonder who he is? He is stated to be eminent in his profession: what profession? is it the Law? is it the Church? does he honour the Army. with his name? who is he ?—I know not, and I care not." It is stated that he is a person who was closely connected with the living of Nocton. How? what does he know about it? It is remarkable that there have been only two incumbents of the living of Nocton during the last eighty years: the last incumbent held the living for upwards of thirty-one years, and his predecessor for upwards of forty-eight years. With respect to the first, it is utterly impossible that any information could have been obtained by any one who could make it the subject of a charge; and with respect to the second, he did not think that any one who bore the name of Hobart would be guilty of en- deavouring to injure his reputation. "But then, I want to know what that written paper is? Where is it? My Lords, am I not entitled to ask ? " He felt it unnecessary to enter into any detailed answer to these charges,—" liberavi ani- mam meam. "I had rather be the victim of that wrong, I had rather carry with me to the grave the sense and feeling of that injury, than be the anonymous author of the calumny from which this accusation has arisen."

COMMERCIAL RELATIONS WITH BRAZIL.

On Monday, Mr. HUME drew attention to our commercial relations with Brazil, which he represented to be in an unsatisfactory state; so much so that persons who were in the habit of trading to that country were in great doubt as to the safety of their property. Lord PALMERSTON remarked, that although matters stood in an un- satisfactory position, still he was not aware that as yet any practical grievance had been experienced. He had no doubt that the change which had recently been made in the Sugar-duties must very much smooth the way for our future intercourse with BraziL

COMMERCIAL RELATIONS WITH MEXICO.

On Monday, Lord GEORGE Bzwrmicw put a question bearing on the

present state of British interests in Mexico. He gave an account of the various steps by which the United States had placed herself in the position of pouncing upon that fertile country; beginning with a reference to the commercial and political importance of Mexico to England—

British capital to the amount of 10,000,0001. is vested in the Mexican mines,

and the public debt due to this country amounts to 10,200,0001. He apprehended that if the war terminated in the conquest of Mexico, the debt due to this country would be placed in the same position as the debt due by the United States. Texas had been annexed to that country by the most unjustifiable means. Fictitious transfers of lands took place to citizens of the States, and then the Legislatures of Texas and Cohahuila transferred for 20,000,000 dollars an extent of land equal to four hundred square leagues. From this period it became the interest of those American speculators to foment a rebellion in Texas. The first declaration of independence was signed by ninety individuals; and there is the authority of Dr. Channtng, an American historian' for the fact that of those ninety no less than eighty-eight were inhabitants of the United States of America. Texas, there- upon, armed a corps of eight hundred men; which proved successful against the miserable efforts of the Mexican Government. Slavery and its profits were at the bottom of the -pretended sympathy with the freedom of Texas. The convention of Austen, which was made the excuse of the United States for their attempts at annexation, was signed by sixty-one persons; forty-nine were Americans, all of them holding slaves, ten were British, and two bore Texan names. The conse- quence of the annexation has been to open up a new market for the slaves bred in the United States. The appetite for aggrandizement on the part of the United States had only been sharpened, not satiated, by the swallowing up of Texas: Mexico and California were to be the next victims. War with Mexico had been instigated by, the advance of the American invading force from the disputed terri- tory on the right bank of the Bravo del Norte to its left bank, which beyond all question is the property of the United States. The annexation of California, if not of the entire of Mexico, would be the test for the Presidency of the year 1848, just as the annexation of Texas was the test at the last election. Already the Americans are in possession of Matamoros, which opens up the way to Central Mexico. The great object of the Americans is to stretch their power to the Pa- cif c: they already look with longing eyes on the haven of San Francisco, said to be the finest in the world. He wished to impress upon Ministers the fact that it is of great national importance to our foreign possessions to prevent the over- spreading usurpations of the United States. On the 2d June, the Mexican Asso- ciation addressed a letter by its Chairman to the Earl of Aberdeen, earnestly call- ing upon him, for the sake of British interests, and for avoiding the interruption of our commerce with that country, to interpose his mediation between Mexico and the United States. Lord Aberdeen in his reply promised, that forthwith ener- getic measures should lie taken to prevent any interruption to commercial arrange- ments. Sir Robert Peel declared to the House, on the 29th July, that the British

Government had offered its mediation: but Lord George, much to his surprise, in in the American papers that no such offer had been received.

d what the true state of the matter was ?

ON replied— w his " noble friend " into his historical points, but would Irwtestion as it stood. It was impossible that war could exist without the interests of those countries which were con- I I ercial relations being prejudicially affected. In* ro- all those restraints which tend to limit and circumscribe its extent—in that pro- ion will it he the interest of all nations that peace should universally prevail. e thought that Lord George Bentinck had exaggerated the facility with which the United States could incorporate Mexico within their dominion. That country is occupied by eight or ten millions of inhabitants, of a race different from the peo- ple of the United States, of a religion different from the religion of the United peo- ple and though it might be easy for the United States to incorporate with the

Union a country like Texas, filled and inhabited almost entirely by United States settlers, the question is altered where important differences are involved.

Lord Palmerston explained the circumstances connected with the offered mediation. An offer was made by the late Government both to the United States and to Mexico, to mediate between them. As regards the United States, however, England could not be deemed at that time a perfectly impartial party, because the Oregon question was not then settled. If that question had produced a rupture between Great Britain and the United States, our mediation, of course, between the United States and Mexico would have been out of the question. " The offer, therefore, which was made to the United States, was in effect this, that if the United States were disposed to accept the mediation of Great Britain, that me- diation would be frankly offered and tendered. I think that was going as far as in the then existing state of things the Government of Great Britain could pro- perly have gone. To this offer no answer was sent; it being understood by the Government of the United States that the communication was not one which necessarily required an answer—that they were left at liberty to act upon it if they pleased, but that no umbrage would be taken by this country if they abstained from taking any steps consequent upon it." But on the settlement of the Oregon question, Lord Palmerston had instructed Mr. Pakenham to renew the offer of mediation in a shape that requires an answer from the United States. A corre-

sponding communication has been made to Mexico. U the answers received would depend the degree of service which England coul render in bringing about amicable relations between the contending states. There was another point he was anxious to notice. The United States having found their revenue insufficient to meet the expense of the war, had lowered the duty on imports, as a means of increasing their resources; thus illustrating the truth of those doctrines which go to show that freedom of commercial intercourse not only conduces to the development of the commercial industry of a country, but is the surest foundation of an augmenting and prosperous revenue.

Mr. DISRAELI did not angiu• much good from Lord Palmerston's speech— He had asserted that free trade was the best means of putting an end to war; but subsequently he stated that the reason the Americans had reduced their com- mercial duties was to find increased means to prosecute war: the one statement neutralized the other. The United States entered into and continued the con- troversy with respect to Oregon, which was of comparatively no importance to them until they had appropriated Texas to themselves. Mr. Disraeli was not now objecting to the Oregon treaty: it was always good policy to fix a limit to the United States, because it was their policy to have everything undefined. But what had been the result of this movement? That the United States had appropriated to themselves a rich province on one side of the Mexican empire, and on the other had taken up a position which surrounded it. Now, what our merchants wanted to know was, whether the Government of this country saw a fair probability of preserving the political integrity of Mexico. Single states, some of them equal in size to European kingdoms, had applied to foreign powers to undertake their protection. There had been rumours of advances to France; but this lie knew, that the state of Lonora, which lies contiguous to California, and is four times larger, had offered to the United States, through the medium of the head of one of their oldest Spanish families, to acknowledge their sovereignty if they would protect them and secure order. The House might rely upon it, that offers of mediation, if accepted, (which he doubted,) might stave off but could not prevent that catastrophe which must occur unless more decisive mut-. sures were taken. But if European diplomacy failed, what could be done? There was a third course—were they prepared to take it? Would they act towards Mexico as they had acted towards other states under similar circum- stances? Would they protect Mexico? Would they do for Mexico what they had done for another revolutionized colony—what they had done for Greeee? There was no reason why the United States should not watch over Mexico as well as Russia watched over Greece.

Mr. BERNAL, Mr. PHILIP HOWARD, and Mr. WAHLEY, expressed their approval of the policy announced by Lord Palmerston; and the subject dropped.

mmerce increases—in proportion as commerce is freed role would give this promise to the honourable gentleman, that unless he (Lord John)

POOR-LAW COMMISSIONERS.

On Tuesday, Mr. HUME submitted a series of resolutions, founded on the facts elicited during the recent inquiry into the Andover Union; lmit with the explanation that he did not intend to press the House to give a decision upon them. The leading points embodied in the resolutions were these— That the Poor-law Commissioners had suggested the establishment of district asylums in the Metropolitan parishes without sufficient inquiry; the act of the 3d. and 4th Will. IV. c. 76, conferring upon them full powers to make such inquiry, and requiring it at their hands. That the existing accommodation is sufficient for the nightly reception of mendicants, except in the City of London. That the act which constitutes the Board of Commissioners only empowers "any two of them" to act as a Board; whereas the practice has been for single Commissioners to discharge the functions of the Board. That the act also requires the Com- missioners to keep a record of their proceedings; but no regular and duly authen- ticated minute-book of the proceedings has been kept. That one main object for the appointment of the Poor-law Commissioners was to insure an administration of the law in conformity with its letter and spirit; and consequently any departure or culpable deviation from this principle is fraught with great injury to the whole administration of the law. That a special public inquiry be made into all the facts as alleged; and that, should it be proved that the irreparable defaults of the Commissioners occasioned the mischiefs complained of, her Majesty, taking into account the manner in which subordinate officers were dismissed, will be pleased to direct that even-handed justice be dealt out to the Commissioners. Sir GEORGE GREY expressed a hope that Mr. Hume would not think it necessary to ask for the opinion of the House upon the resolutions at so

late a period of the session— • Considering the importance of the subject, and the importance also of examining the evidence given uefore the Andover Union Workhouse Committee and the District Asylums Committee, he thought it was the duty of her Majesty's Govern- ment to give the most deliberate attention to the whole subject. The resolutions were of course withdrawn.

At the abort sitting on Friday before the entrance of Black Rod to sum- mon the Commons to the prorogation, Mr. BORTHWICIL put a question to Lord John Russell—

Was it the intention of the Government to take the whole operation of the Poor-law into consideration, with the view of introducing some measure on the subject, next session? Mr. Borthwick hoped the explanation would prevent the necessity of his giving notice that next session he should move the appointment of a Select Committee to consider the whole subject. .

'Lord JOHN RUSSELL spoke with Ministerial reserve— He would not venture, in the present state of the Poor-law, and of the in uiries lately made to say what measure or inquiry Government would propose; at he

did propose a full inquiry in the name of the Government, or unless he took some steps to preclude the necessity of it, he should make no opposition next session to the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the whole operation of the Poor-law.

HAYDOCK LODGE LUNATIC ASYLUM.

On Wednesday, Mr. WARLEY moved for the appointment of a commis-

sion to inquire into the management of the Haydock Lodge Asylum. In support of this motion, he adduced some startling facts connected with the mismanagement and cruelty which reigned in the establishment; and pre- ferred accusations against the Poor-law Commissioners and the Lunacy

Commissioners, of culpable neglect of duty in connexion with inquiries which it was their business to make into the state of matters at the Asylum—

The subject was brought under the notice of Parliament on the 12th June, in

a petition from Mr. Owen Owen Roberts, a surgeon of Bangor; whose statement was to this effect. Haydock Lodge Asylum is situated near Newton-in-the- Willows, in the county of Lancaster: it had been in existence for two or three years; the management of it was placed under the control of Mr. Mott, a former Assistant Poor-law Commissioner; and the report went that the Asylum was established as a joint speculation by parties directly and officially connected with the Poor-law Commission. The Asylum met with extensive patronage: great numbers of patients were sent to it from various parts of the principality of Wales; and the petitioner himself, under the impression that it was an eligible insti- tution, recommended it to notice. At the request of Mr. Mott, he engaged two respectable Welshwomen to act as nurses, for the advantage of the patients who could only speak the Welsh language; but they were soon dismissed,—leaving the patients without the means of communicating with any official person, medi- cal or otherwise, in the establishment. The complaints of the Reverend Mr. Richards, one of the patients, led to inquiries by his relative, Mr. Roberts; and he found that matters were conducted in a cruel and disgraceful manner: the num- ber of deaths was disproportionately great; no fewer than five bodies were lying in the dead-house at one time; and one individual was found dead in the morn-

, having been cruelly used by one of the keepers on the previous night. Mr.

Roberts prayed for inquiry: he suggested that inquests by the Coroner should be held in all cases where death occurs in an asylum; and also that measures should be taken to prevent either Poor-law Commissioners or persons officially connected with that body from having any pecuniary interest in lunatic asylums. On the 13th June, Sir James Graham directed the attention of the Poor-law Commission- ers to the allegations about beneficial interest in the Asylum. In their reply the Commissioners say that " Mr. Mott is no longer an Assistant Poor-law Commis- sioner." [Sir James Graham did not say that he was, bat merely spoke of him as an ex-Assistant Commissioner.] They knew that be was Superintendent of the Asylum at Haydock Lodge; but as he had ceased to be connected with the Commission, they did not consider it to be their duty to inquire into the nature of his employment in that capacity. [Mr. Wakley remarked, that at the time this statement was made, Mr. Mott was Poor-law Auditor of the very district in which Haydock Lodge Asylum is situated.] The Commissioners add, that the only person employed under their Commission who had any interest in Haydock Lodge was their Assistant Secretary, Mr. Coode; of whom they had demanded explanation. The explanation was, that he was the landlord; and that the person in whose name the licence was taken out was nearly connected with him by blood. The Commis- sioners disapproved of Mr. Coode's connexion with the Asylum, and asked him to break it off; but he declined, and his resignation was the consequence.

Sir James Graham next entered into correspondence with the Lunacy Com-

missioners; enclosing a copy of Mr. Roberts's petition, and asking for a copy of the report made by the Visiting Justices relative to the case of Mr. Richards. This was done; the Justices reporting, among other things, that Mr. Richards was a dirty and violentpatient, and that the keepers were not guilty of ill-treating him. With the view of making a full investigation into Mr. Roberts's allegations, no fewer than four of the six Commissioners went to Haydock Lodge on the 14th May; and after examining Mr. Mott, Mr. Portus the surgeon, the keepers, and a number of the patients, the Commissioners arrived at the conclusion that the establishment was manifestly in an improving state, and that some of the charges made by Mr. Roberts had been disproved. They state that Mr. Portus, the sur- geon, had resigned; and two of the keepers had been discharged. In reference to the statement that Mr. Portus had resigned, Mr. Wakley said, that during the morning he had searched the Registration-office, and found the name of Mr. Portus to an attestation of a death which occurred in the Asylum on the 27th June.] The Commissioners state, that the man who was 'alleged to have died from ill-treatment had been found, on a post mortem examination, to have died-of disease of the pleura; and as to the propri- ety of holding inquests, they state that that question had been discussed and negatived in the House of Commons. Mr. Roberts was not satisfied with the result of this investigation, and another inquiry was instituted in July: not, how- ever, at Haydock Lodge, but at the Commissioners' Chambers in New Street, Spring Gardens; witnesses being summoned at such short notices that some could not attend. Mr. Mott was again examined; and stated that his appointment as Auditor had been confirmed by the Poor-law Commissioners. [Mr. Wakley re- marked, that as an Auditor of the district, Mr. Mott had infinitely more power than he could have had as an Assistant Poor-law Commissioner.] Mr. Mott further stated, that finding his duties of Auditor inconsistent with his duties as Superintendent of the Asylum, he had resigned the office of Superintendent in favour of Mr. Whelan, formerly steward of the Hanwell Asylum. The Commis- sioners, from the information adduced at this second investigation, express great doubt as to the efficiency of Mr. Mott's supervision in 1844 and 1845; but add, that "as Mr. Mott has resigned his office, it seems unnecessary to do more than to intimate this opinion"; for they always found some palliation.

Another charge preferred against the Lunacy Commissioners by Mr. Wakley

W88, that although the wretched state of Haydock Lodge Asylum was brought under their notice so long ago as November last, by Mr. Graham, a medical gen- tleman residing at Crewe, no attention was paid to the matter. One of the facts mentioned by Mr. Graham was, that he saw two patients dying of diarrheas in an apartment that was used as a sitting-room by other patients. He also saw a man, whom he had formerly known, so black and disfigured with bruises that he could hardly recognize him.

In the course of some severe strictures on the proceedings of the officials, Mr.

Wakley adduced a number of details touching the Asylum and the results of the management pursued in it. The average number of patients exceeded 400; collected from twenty different counties in England and Wales. Mr. Mott, in order to bring up his patients from the Rye Union in Sussex, used the Holborn Union as a kind of hotel for their accommodation. These helplesspersons were in this way sent away two or three hundred miles from all their friends; and should any of them happen to recover their reason, where was the chance of their being restored to their families ? Of the mortality there is no return for 1844, the first year in which the house was licensed; but he was told that it was frightful—so much so that application was made for an enlargement of the churchyard. As to the second year the astounding fact is disclosed, that of 450 patients, 112 died! In well-regulated establishments, mortality only begins to increase after the lapse of some years: in the Retreat at York, the mortality is only 4 per cent. Haydock Lodge is surrounded by 228 acres of land, and more is expected : the fields are cultivated by the strong lunatics; and the sooner the feeble die off the better is it for the establishment. Reference to the minutes of the Visiting Justices shows that the ventilation of the house is defective, the drainage bad, the beds bad, and the diet insufficient; and that the improvements they recommended had not been attended to The Justices bad also given it as their opinion that the house could not accommodate more than 367 patients, while the actual number within the walls was 434. "Looking at the conduct of all concerned," said Mr. Wakley in conclusion, " the conduct of the Poor-law Commissioners, of the Board of Guardians, of the Lunacy Commissioners, of the people employed in the establish- ment, of the Visiting Justices—looking at the whole case, it is one that demands a thorough and complete investigation." Mr. FIELDER seconded the motion; declaring that he could not trust himself to express what he felt on the subject: if the establishment were truly designated it would be called a slaughter-house.

Sir GEORGE GREY assured Mr. Wakley that he was mistaken if he ex- pected him to say one word in defence of Haydock Lodge Asylum— Mr. Roberts bad rendered a public service in bringing the facts to light. In the present state of the House, [fewer than a dozen Members present,] Mr. Wak- ley could hardly expect that any resolution could be come to. Sir George re- gretted that Lord Seymour, who has recently acted as Chairman of the Lunacy Commission in place of Lord Ashley, was not present, to afford such explanations as he could give. He did not see what object could be gained by further inquiry. The investigation has already been made, and the motion itself is based on its results. He feared that the lamentable disclosures might be applied to more in- stitutions than the one in question; but he hoped that the two acts passed last year—one giving an authority to examine into alleged abuses in asylums, and the other a more important one, for providing county pauper lunatic asylums—would prove an effectual remedy. He promised to call the attention of the Lunacy Com- missioners to the circumstance of their having received a communication on the subject of Haydock Lodge Asylum in November, and to some other points which they seemed to have overlooked. If any deception was practised on the Com- missioners relative to Mr. Portus's resignation, it ought to be exposed. Mr. WAKLEY said that he could not divide the House on his motion; for there was no House to divide.

POST-OFFICE REFORM. In the course of a discussion on Post-office matters, on Saturday, originating in a petition presented by Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE, from Mitchell, a sub-sorter, complaining of having been improperly dismissed, Lord Joust RUSSELL made an important statement. A plan, he remarked, was in course of arrangement by which the ground of complaint about the Post-office Directory would be removed. As to Mr. Rowland Hill's plan, be agreed that it had not been sufficiently carried out; he was not satisfied with what had already been done. There was much room for improvement; and the attention of the Go- vernment would continue to be directed to it.

Penile RECORDS. On Tuesday, Mr. PROTHEROE moved a resolution to de- clare the opinion of the House of Commons that no further delay should take place in the erection of a suitable repository for the Public Records, pursuant to the act passed in 1838. To show the danger of allowing the records to remain in the. present depositories, Mr. Protheroe mentioned the premiums charged for in- suring them against fire: le. 6d. per cent was charged for the RollsChapel; 2s. for Chapterhouse, Rolls House, and Wakefield Tower; and 5s. for Carlton Riding- house and for the White Tower in the Tower of London. Mr. Braidwood, Super- intendent of the Fire Brigade, had stated that no merchant of ordinary prudence would keep. his books and accounts in the situation that the records are now placed in. A large annual expenditure is also incurred for temporary ar- rangement, for repositories, and for watching. The CHANCELLOR of the Ex- CHEQUER admitted that a proper depository is exceedingly desirable; but stated that the Government had not yet had time to direct their attention to the ab- ject. The resolution was withdrawn.

Eencenore me WALES. In reply to a question from Mr. Tames Williams on the Ministerial intentions as to the advancement of education in Wales, Sir GEORGE GREY said, that he had broughtjthe matter before the Education Com- mittee of the Privy Council last week, and directions were given for taking im- mediate steps towards inquiry. Instructions had accordingly been issued to gen- tlemen to proceed to Wales to make the strictest inquiries; the result of which would be brought forward at the earliest possible opportunity.

WASTE LANDS IN AUSTRALIA. On Saturday, in Committee on the Waste Lands (Australia) Bill, Mr. FRANCIS Scam delivered a long speech. He com- plimented Ministers on the fair and liberal consideration they are now bestowing on the Australian Colonies. He regretted that the bill does not extend the du- ration of leases to twenty-one years instead of fourteen; that it does not reduce the minimum price of IL per acre; and that the vast powers which it confers upon the Crown are not conferred upon the Colonial Legislature. He held that the colony of New South Wales had been sacrificed to the colony of South ADZ- trails. He hoped that Ministers would prosecute the reforms they contemplated; and that next session a bill to repeal the Waste Lands Act would be introduced. Mr. llamas attributed the decline of prosperity in the older Australian Colonies, not to the Waste Lands Act, but to wild and reckless speculation. But it could hardly be desirable to go into subjects not strictly, involved in this bill in the present state of the House. [There were only eight Members present besides the Chairman.] NEW WRITS were issued, yesterday, for Derby, in the room of Mr. Strutt, who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds•' and for Clonmel, in the room of Mr. David Pigot, the new Lord Chief Baron of the Irish Exchequer.

THE ROYAL ASSERT was given former by Commission, on Wednesday and Friday, to fifty-one public and private bills. Among the foer were, the Poor Removal Bill; Baths and Washhouses Bill; Death by Accidents Compensation Bill ; the Consolidation Fund (Appropriation) Bill; Customs-duties Bill; Small Debts Bill; Contagions Diseases Bill; British Possessions Bill; New Zealand Government Bill; Waste Lands (Australia) Bill; Railway Commissioners Bill; Private Bills Bill; Irish Ejectment Bill; Irish Leases Bill; and several bills for providing employment in Ireland.

THE CLOSE OF THE SESSION.

Parliament was prorogued yesterday afternoon, by Commission; the Com- missioners being tho Lord Chancellor, the Marquis of Lansdowne, Earl

Spencer, the Earl of Minto, and Lord Campbell. The Commons having been summoned, the Royal assent was given to several bills. The LORD CHANCELLOR then read the following speech-

" My Lords and Gentlemen—We are commanded by her Majesty to express to you the warm acknowledgments of her Majesty for the public spirit you have evinced in the discharge of your laborious duties during an anxious and protracted session. " Her Majesty trusts that you will be rewarded by witnessing the beneficial re- sults of the measures which have been sanctioned by her Majesty for the present relaxation and ultimate repeal of protective duties on corn and sugar.

" Her Majesty entertains a confident hope that the more free admission of the produce of foreign countries into the home market will increase the comforts and better the condition of the great body of the people. " Her Majesty feels the greatest satisfaction in reflecting that her Majesty's efforts to settle in a manner consistent with national honour the conflicting claims of Great Britain and the United States with respect to the territory on the North-west coast of America have been completely successful.

" Her Majesty continues to receive from all Foreign Powers the strongest assu- rances of their desire to cultivate friendly relations with this country. " Her Majesty commands us to congratulate you on the victorious course and happy conclusion of the war in India; and her Majesty has much gratification in announcing to you that perfect tranquillity prevails :throughout the whole of the British possessions in that quarter of the world. " Gentlemen of the House of Commons—Her Majesty has observed with satis- faction the care you have taken to prevent permanent loss to the revenue and to maintain the public faith.

"Her Majesty has commanded us to acknowledge the zeal and unanimity with which you assented to the increase in the Naval and Military Estimates, which regard to the exigencies of the public service induced her Majesty to pro- pose for your consideration.

"My Lords and Gentlemen—Her Majesty has to lament that the recur- rence of a failure in the potato crop, in an aggravated degree, will cause a serious deficiency in the quantity of a material article of food. "Her Majesty has given her cordial assent to measures by which this cala- mity may be mitigated in that part of the United Kingdom where the cul- tivation of the potato has hitherto afforded the chief supply for the subsistence of the people. "Her Majesty has seen with pleasure that a considerable diminution of crime and outrage has taken place in those counties of Ireland which had been most disturbed.

"Her Majesty is confident that on your return to your several counties you will find a spirit of loyalty generally prevalent. The extension of works of im- provement has increased the demand for labour; and the tranquillity of the country has favoured the pursuits of industry in all its branches. "Her Majesty trusts that by a combination of prudence with enterprise, and of a willing obedience to law with a desire for social progress, her people will, through the Divine blessing, enjoy the full advantages of peace." At the close, the Lord Chancellor declared Parliament to be prorogued to Wednesday the 4th of November.