IRELAND.
The revision of the list of municipal voters in the city of Dublin under the new Corporation Act has been completed. The number of qualified voters is now about double the number of the old constituency. "It appears to be the general impression," says a local writer, "that the new Town-Council will be very differently constituted from that now in existence. Several of the merchants and other leading citizens are can- didates. The elections are to take place on the 25th of November next ; and the new Corporation will commence its functions on New-Year's Day."
The Parliamentary representation of the borough of Limerick has be- come vacant, by the death of Mr. Samuel Dickson. The candidates are already numerous,—Captain C. D. C. Dickson' of Croom Castle ; Mr. Samuel Auchmuty Dickson, nephew of the deceased Member ; Mr. Wyndham Goold, and Mr. Fitzgibbon. The first is said to come forward on very " Liberal principles : the principles of the others do not appear, from the local accounts.
An admirable speech from Sir Robert Kane, the President of Queen's College in Cork, distinguished the opening of the second session of studies in that institution, last week.
Sir Robert commenced by stating to the many parents and guardians present, that the pupils had passed through the first session without one single case of punishment; and had received the full testimonies of the Deans of Residence, that in regard to their morality and religious con- duct they had given the fullest satisfaction. Then, with the pointed manner of a personal appeal to each parent, he demanded to know whether one of them had found his son to be injured in morality or religion by having studied in that College ?
" Was it the influence of infidel institutions which had induced the Roman Catholic students of that College to fulfil the strictest religious duties in a proportion such as had been almost unknown in young men of similar ages ? Were those the results of ' Godless Colleges' ? No ; and by their fruits had they become known. He should mention but one result of it, but that should be indeed a striking and irrefragable proof. He held in his hand two documents ; one dated in January last, signed by the Roman Catholic Bishops who then believed that these Colleges deserved a trial, and to which were attached eight names; the other document was a paper signed by the venerated Archbishop Murray, stating that thirteen Roman Catholic Prelates had asked that the resistance to educational reform should not he sanc- tioned, and declared their wishes that the beneficent efforts of -het-Majesty for the education and improvement of the country should not be judged without a trial. On what other question had so much progress in public opinion been made within the space of nine months? In January a favour- able opinion was cautiously expressed by eight Prelates of the Roman Catho- lic Church; and in September, after a solemn council and serious examination, thirteen Roman Catholic Prelates registered their earnest petition that the tenets of those who condemned the Colleges should not be sanctioned. It would also be found that the Prelates of great cities, and of the most active and energetic populations, were all, without one exception, disposed to al- low a fair and impartial trial to the new system. The practical knowledge of the manner in which the different departments of the College had been worked during the session which had then concluded had achieved that triumph."
From these introductory facts and inferences, he passed to personal statements, involving a tribute to the patriotism of those who esta- blished the Colleges, an eloquent profession of faith upon the general ques- tion of education and a practical and earnest declaration of plans and hopes for the future.
A. writer in the Dublin Review had endeavoured to " frighten the pupils from this College by announcing that education in the College may be in- fluenced by the ideas which I have put forward in the work called the In- dustrial Resources of Ireland." "In that respect the reviewer is quite right. So far as my feeble voice can influence the course of education in this Col- lege, I shall endeavour that the education and tendencies of our students shalt be to real work and honourable labour. So far as my call is heard in Ireland, it shall be to active enterprise and self-reliance. Shams and delu- sions and hollow pretences shall have no place with us. I have believed, and I do still believe, that the improvement of a country can be effected only by raising the physical, intellectual, and moral standard of the people.
It is not as an officer of these Colleges I hold that doctrine. I held it always. I never sought to be connected with these Colleges. I never sought appointment from the Government. When these educational measures were first proposed, I did not believe they would assume a form such as that I could consider them worthy of the country. But when I was favoured with a communication from the statesmen who governed this country at that time, I was surprised and gratified to find their views to be of the most wise and liberal description ; and in that course, further and still steadily improv- ing, have their eminent successors carried out the truly great and national arrangement embodied in these Colleges. I never sought for office; but it were mere cowardice not to say that I felt and do feel most deeply grateful for the high honour which unsolicited was conferred upon me ; and it is but the simple truth to say, that in the communications with which I have been honoured on subjects of education during the organization of this College, I never heard, either from the lag or from the present public authorities, an- other sentiment than fervent anxiety to construct an educational system as complete as art and literature and science could effect. To join full cultiva- tion of the higher and abstract branches with the means of perfect instruc- tion in the practical schools, and to render the discipline in morals and re- ligion truly such as, whilst securing perfect freedom of conscience and the rights of parents, should satisfy the conscientious scruples of the Irish people : such it has been the object of its authors to render this system of education; such is the system that I have here the honour to advocate. The principle I support is not that education should be at the mercy of changing Cabinets, which may reflect only the forms of shifting policy. What I support is, that the fathers of families, who form the state, should have control over the edu- cation given to their sons ; that in the ideas with which the youthful mind shall be impressed the wishes and the feelings of the parents should be consulted ; that funds spent upon education should be expended under responsibility ; and finally, that the young men of our country of different creeds shall not be forced to live asunder in prejudice and ignorance of each other, perpetuating misunderstandings which have been the bane of Ireland. Yes, I support mixed education, not as a State official, but as an Irishman. I have known too much of the wretched results of feuds and estrangements arising from religious differences being made
the basis of social intercourse and public policy. Century after cen- tury has passed over, and, split into powerless ?actions, the Irish people have remained helpless and unrespected. Its different creeds and classes have coexisted in the country like grains of sand—loose, unconnected, in- capable of cohesion ; all well-meaning, all rich with the dormant ele- ments of mutual love, which had but required amiable and equal intercourse in early youth to have cemented into a well-aggregated people. And this result I do hope will yet take place. I do hope that those of the coming ge- neration will not be torn from the friendly relations they so wish to form.
"Let it not be thought that I would object to other institutions being founded for education. Quite the reverse : I have full confidence in educa- tion ; I should rejoice to see the land covered with institutions for education, and especially in those districts to which the benefits of the National system are still denied ; I am sure that in such, as in these Colleges, full care will be observed of faith and morals. Let it not be thought that I see nothing beyond this College. I regard the College but as the instrument, noble and well-designed, of national improvement. As such, I heartily devote myself to its administration ; as such, I shall most earnestly look round for every means of adding to its efficiency; as such, I shall at all times most search- ingly scan its defects, and where amendment is required I shall not hesitate to seek a remedy : and many amendments may be from time to time re- quired, for I do not pretend that the system of education has spfung in Pal- las-like perfection from the heads of its propounders. This College, paid for by the people, is truly under their criticism and control; and the official authorities of the College are but managers for the country. Yearly the reality of that fact is shown. Here is the public report of my stewardship for the last year. Such a report is to be laid before Parliament in every year, and must contain the fullest details of the administration and plan of instruction of the College. Such is the university system—public, impartial, and responsible—which I now advocate. It is on that university system that the educated classes of the Irish people have to consider and decide."
The Chancery Receiver in the case of Hutton versus Mayne made an rm. plication, on Tuesday last, to Master Murphy, of the Irish Court of Chan- cery, for advice under singular circumstances. The Receiver had informs. tion, on the 21st October, that two tenants were about to remove their crops and bolt : he went with Police on to the land, near to Ardee ; but a hundred persons came there, and, in the prtsence of the bailiff, carried away the corn and placed it in the hag e rds of a farmer in the adjoining town-land. In- formations were sworn, and a body of Police went to the farm ; but found such a number of persons again ready to oppose them, that they feared to try to remove the corn. " The person to whose farm the corn had been removed was no other than the head-bailiff of Sir William Somerville, whose estates adjoin the lands in question; and he had been actually arrested and held to bail in 501. to stand his trial for the offence." The Master remarked, that from Sir William Somerville's present position in Ireland, it was the more incumbent on him to see the law effectually carried out; and that the sooner the case was brought before him the better.
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