LETTERS TO THE EDITOR.
THE ALTERNATIVE TO HOME-RULE.
[To THE IC DITOS OF THE "SPECTATOR."]
Sin, —Let me, as an Irish Unionist, thank you for your special recognition of Mr. Courtney's statesmanlike speech on the first reading of the Home-rule Bill, and, through you, Mr. Courtney himself, Unionists are too apt to apologise for the Union as for a discredited institution. They should rather boast of its continually increasing success ; and Mr. Courtney's reminder : "The Union has done a great work yes, and, with patience, would have done still better," was wanted and most welcome. Mr. Balfour touched on the point at the end of his speech in the same debate, and it has been the key- note of his Irish policy. But it was the dominant idea of Mr. Courtney's speech, and it cannot be insisted upon too often. May I briefly mention some of the measures in which this idea may be embodied, which are being thrust aside for Home-rule, with which, we maintain, the Imperial Parliament alone can adequately deal, and which constitute the real alternative to Home.rule ?
I. "Legislation."—(l.) "Redistribution" is one of the first large questions that will come up when Home-rule is rejected, and some of the most grievous inequalities are within Ireland, though Mr. Gladstone actually proposes to maintain them under Home-rule for at least six years.
(2.) The "Land Question" is, of course, fundamental, and the only solution is by continuing the Unionist policy of 'creating a peasant-proprietary ; but it is too soon to say yet whether further legislation is necessary for the purpose. One land reform, however, of the late Govern- ment, the "Registration of Title" Act, requires amendment; and it is most important, both to the peasant-proprietors and to the State as their creditor, that it should be made efficient without delay.
(3.) In the matter of "Local Government" we are pledged to County Councils on the main English lines, and Poor-Law Reform must not be forgotten.
(4.) "Devolution of Private Bill" legislation, though not a "panacea "—there are none such in politics—will meet the only real Home-rule grievance, while not requiring any such vast constitutional change as a Parliament in Dublin involves.
(5.) Last, not least, I will mention "Technical Education" in the rough popular sense of the term, including the teaching of agriculture, and secondary education generally. This practical side is really more important in Ireland, and pre- sents fewer difficulties, except financially, than the religious differences surrounding the University question and the Primary Schools.
II. "Administration."—(l.) The first question is the "Aboli- tion of the political functions of the Lord-Lieutenant." Some Unionists would say : Oh, reform it altogether; abolish the whole institution root and branch ; ' but- ceremonial may still be a potent instrument for good in Ireland, though, of course, -one month of real Royalty a year would be better than the whole twelve months of Viceroyalty.
(2.) The appointment of "Resident Magistrates" requires to be put on a more satisfactory basis, and all agrarian and political offences dealt with by them, for which purpose, per- Imps, their number should be increased.
(3.) It is also most desirable that political service should cease to be the sole means of access to the "Judicial Bench."
(4.) Administration by Boards is, I believe, exploded in England; and certainly that method in Ireland, and much of the Castle system, needs mending, if not ending. The most 'argent case, however, for reorganisation, is that of the Youngest Department—the Land Commission—the confusion and delays in which are a serious obstacle to the creation -of a peasant-proprietary. For these administrative reforms, English experience would be essential, and, wherever possible, assimilation to, or incorporation with, English administration should be kept in view.
III. " Finance " is, if possible, more important than adminis- tration or legislation in Ireland, and it is not surprising that Mr. Sexton and Mr. Redmond agree with Mr. Goschen and Mr. Courtney in regarding the financial part of Home-rule as the most vital for Ireland, for good or evil. And here, if any- where, there can be little doubt of the advantages of the Union. On this point Mr. Balfour thus summed up the Unionist position the other day :—" I am all for being liberal to Ireland as long as Ireland is in the same firm with our- selves ; " and this doctrine, which be has not only preached but practised, would no doubt be further extended in regard to such matters as „technical education and the development of that policy of permanent amelioration of the congested -districts which he first had the courage to initiate. On the other hand, we maintain that firm and impartial 'government by the Imperial Parliament affords a better earnest of economy in such matters as Police and Judiciary than Home-rule can offer. Place-hunting would not be likely -to decrease underHd if te-rkule, nor the maintenance of order to become easier ; an disorder, it will be no f e plan be adopted of maintaining cheaper in the long-run. In reciting some of the articles of this programme, I have hardly attempted even to sketch their outlines or to discuss principles. I have tried to avoid party spirit, for it is not in the interest either of the minority or primarily of the Empire that I write. It is of Ireland we think first, and of Ireland as a whole ; and we claim that Unionism is as patriotic in its aims as Home-rule, and infinitely more so in its methods.—I am, Sir, &c., Athermunt Club, February 28th. MONTEIGLE.
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