THE RUMOURS OF CHANGE.
WE wonder what those critics of the Government who suggest some radical alteration in its constitution or its policy every other day, would think of it if Lord Salisbury were to follow their advice,—if, for instance, he were to recall Mr. Chamberlain, to dismiss Mr. Matthews, and to cancel the appointment of Lord Lytton, to enumerate only a few of the counsels earnestly pressed upon him by his foes. We suspect they would rub their hands with delight, and say that Lord Salisbury had been delivered into their hands by his credulous weakness in following their advice. Nothing could be more foolish than for the Government to show vacillation at this moment, when what is mainly wanted from it is tenacity and nerve. We ourselves regret very much the appointment of Lord Lytton to the Paris Embassy ; but we should regret still more, of course, so ridiculous a course as the cancelling of that appointment as soon as it is made. We suspect that Lord Salisbury has misjudged the fitness of his new Ambassador for the post at Paris ; but it is Lord Salisbury's judgment which the supporters of his Government trust, not that of the Liberal Unionists ; and to give demonstrative proof that that judgment had been founded on nothing better than a whim, and that it could be upset by a shriek from journals whose disapprobation was a foregone certainty, would injure the Government a great deal more seriously than any mistake it might have made in selecting an Ambassador could possibly injure it. Whatever is right, a policy of shilly-shally is wrong. We would rather by far believe,—as we do, in fact, believe,—that Lord Salisbury, though he may misjudge Lord Lytton, misjudges him on evidence which, to his mind, is con- vincing, that Lord Lytton will make a good Ambassador, than we would believe him capable of each infinite feebleness as to be frightened by the journalists into undoing what he had de- liberately determined to do. And precisely the same considera- tions apply to the other damaging counsels given him. Mr. Chamberlain would have been wiser if he had held his tongue about the Irish-American attacks upon his appointment as Chief Commissioner to settle the Fisheries dispute, and had gone to his work without deigning to notice them. But as he was not Spartan enough for that obviously prudent course,it is, of course, a thousand times better to run the risk, whatever it be,—and we hope it is but small,—that the vindictiveness of the Irish- Americans may greatly embarrass his mission, than to announce to all the world that the Government of the United Kingdom can be scared from its course by the outcry of such a party as that. It is perfectly true, of course, that the advice to recall Mr. Chamberlain, like the advice to cancel Lord Lytton's appoint- ment, and the advice to dismiss Mr. Matthews, is not tendered in earnest, but is only a mode of discrediting the Government. Nevertheless, though there is no danger at all of any sane Government's accepting advice tendered in such a spirit, it might be otherwise if the advice had come from the other side, for undoubtedly Mr Gladstone's penultimate Government did make some very fatal mietakes,—the mission of General Gordon was the worst,—in deference to pressure put upon them by that portion of the Press which was supposed at least to be friendly to it. Our sincere belief is that nothing has done so much mischief to the policy of the Executive in this country as the tendency which has grown up to yield in everything to what is called public opinion. Public opinion is doubtless a real force in relation to certain general moral or social tendencies ; but in that case, it is so great a force that it is very unlikely that any Government popularly chosen would set itself in opposition to those tendencies. And public opinion is the worst counsellor of all as to the wisdom of specific executive procedure, for it has hardly the elements for a right judgment. Wherever this Government, for instance, has gone wrong, it has been in deferring too much to this sort of opinion. It is clear, from Mr. Justice Stephen's judgment, that Mr. Matthews was quite right in resisting the proposal to institute an unofficial inquiry,—which could not be taken upon oath,—into Endacott's arrest of Miss Case; and that he was wrong in giving way to the cry for that inquiry. And, again, he made a still more serious error in ordering a prosecution for perjury where it was all but certain that such a prosecution most fail. But Lord. Salisbury would go still more wrong if, in deference to the new censures passed upon Mr. Matthews for these two ill-advised concessions to an ill-informed public opinion, ite were to dismiss a Minister who has erred, when he did err, chiefly in deference to the pressure of his colleagues, and not out of any personal inclination of his own. The error of the informal investigation was clearly the error of his colleagues, who took the matter out of his hands ; and the error of the prosecution for perjury was partially a logical consequence of the former error. Let the whole Government bear the blame of these errors, as it ought, and not be so sensitive to criticism as to make a Jonah of the one of its members who is probably least in fault. No Government can claim to be infallible ; but it is a much worse mistake to try to concentrate on a single colleague blame of which all ought to bear their share, than to blunder by conceding to a public cry what ought to have been steadily though temperately refused.
If Lord Salisbury sees his way to strengthen the Govern- ment materially by passing it over to Lord Hartington, we are sure that he has the chivalry and magnanimity to make the sacrifice. And so great a change as that might perhaps be justified before Parliament meets, though we feel perfectly sure that the endeavour to discredit the Government of Lord Harting- ton would be much fiercer and more bitter than even the attempt to discredit the Government of Lord Salisbury. It would be thought that in Lord Hartington's Government the Unionists were driven to their last citadel, and that if that were carried, would be over with the Union. Still, it might well be that Lord Hartington could fight the pitched battle under circum- stances more favourable to victory than Lord Salisbury ; and if so, the experiment should be made. But till the time for that comes, all tampering and pottering with petty changes world be foolish in the extreme. What the country wants is evidence that the Government can trust themselves, and pursue steadily the line they take up. Everything that indicates vacillation, self-distrust, confusion of purpose, irresolution, will do more to bring about their defeat than even errors of judgment. The Executive never blunders so badly as when it tries to maim out which way the wind blows, and to guide itself by 'the drifting of straws. Public opinion wants guiding in these matters, and is quite incompetent to guide. And the Govern- ment ought to guide it. They have done very fairly hitherto, though they have made mistakes. But they have not yet made any mistake so serious as the mistake that they would make if they tried to recast the Government or its policy, in deference to the idle chatter of an irresponsible Press,
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