HOME-RULE AND FEDERATION.
[To THE EDITOR or TEL SPECTATOS."
Sin,—The letter from Mr. Spicer in your issue of july. 30th encourages me to write a few lines of remonstrance to the editor of what may be truly designated my weekly organ, havink subscribed to it for many years with pleasure and profit.
Your handsome recognition of the honesty and bona fides of Mr. Gladstone, so different in tone from the language of most of his political opponents, maintains your character for ability and fair-mindedness, and makes it possible for me, and doubtless others, to read the Unionist articles of the Spectator without absolute pain. But believing, as I do, that you are wrong and that he is right, I sincerely regret that you have gone over to the enemy, although, no doubt, you will deny having done so. Yet, to my mind, one who constantly votes for or writes in support of the Tories cannot permanently remain in the camp of the Liberals. In fact, we find that the Unionists in the House constantly support the Government against all their previous convictions, and vote ; and you, Sir, week after week find excuses for its conduct, which would otherwise meet with your strongest condemnation.
I venture to differ from you, because it appears to me that
after so many centuries of attempt to govern Ireland according to our ideas, it is quite time to try the effect of doing so in con- sonance with the wishes of its inhabitants. This, not only for the sake of the Irish, but even more for our own sakes, and to avoid the misery of devoting the whole of our legislative time to the sister isle, not to speak of the millions of money un- necessarily expended there, while the affairs of the rest of the Kingdom are entirely neglected.
I believe that a Home-rule Bill, differing from Mr. Gladstone's former one in many respects, but as he is now quite willing to shape it, providing Ireland with an Irish Executive, under an Irish Legislature, is perfectly practicable and safe. Moreover, I believe that, with the increasing dimensions of this Empire, and the necessity (to my mind) of adding to our own the counsels of our Colonies, a similar measure will soon be absolutely necessary for Scotland and Wales.
As an ardent supporter of Imperial Federation, I look
forward to the time when our Parliament shall cease to waste its time over parochial questions, and devote its attention to matters of real importance. I hope the time will soon arrive when, in place of wrangling over a bridge in Dublin or a drain in Belfast, our legislators will be found discussing the Budget of India and the defences of Greater Britain.
It is, Sir, because I see no way to bring about this change except by the adoption of Home-rale, that I am a staunch supporter of the scheme of the great Liberal leader.—I am, Sir, ac.,
5 Boltons, S.W. W. VAUGHAN MORGAN, Major.
[We doubt if our correspondent understands how gigantic a change he desires, when he proposes to alter our system of government to one of Federation. That means, assuredly, a written Constitution, a Supreme Court to interpret it, five or six subordinate States, and an altogether weakened Executive. Such institutions may snit the people of a great continent like the United States, or of a sixth-rate Power like Switzerland, but would certainly revolutionise the position of England in the world, and revolutionise it greatly for the worse.—En. Spectator.]
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