ilmturro.

The Conference of Lancashire and Yorkshire Reformers, with help from other English districts, and from Scotland and Ireland, took place at Man- chester on Wednesday. The Conference first assembled in the rooms of the Association; as the gathering—about two hundred—proved too numerous for tat place of discussion, an adjournment was made to the Spread Eagle Inn. Mr. George Wilson presided. Besides Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright, there were present Mr. Milner Gibson, Mr. Heywortb, Mr. J. B. Smith, Mr. Sharman Crawford, Sir Joshua Walmsley, and some other Radical Members of Parliament ; and the long list of Re- formers from Lancashire and Yorkshire is said to include "the largest employers of labour" in the manufacturing districts. The Chairman stated, that Mr. John Bright had been requested to lay before the meeting some resolutions. Mr. Bright complied.

He stated that several Reformers of the district had, by common consent as it were, met for the purpose of ascertaining each other's opinions, and if possible of giving a direction to public thought, on the eve of the proposals of Parliamentary Reform which Lord John Russell has promised to make. They communicated with several great centres, with Newcastle, and Edin- burgh ; and the general opinion was in favour of a meeting at Manchester : at the same time an exceeding anxiety was felt not to do anything that should take from other districts their proper share in the matter. Half-a- dozen influential Yorkshiremen met the same number of gentlemen belong- ing to that district ; and their preliminary discussion was unanimous to a degree most refreshing. They drew up the following resolutions; which in- tentionally lay down general principles only, and leave details to the coun- try, and to the Committees of Parliament.

-‘1 1. That this Conference has maturely considered the existing state of the representation of the United Kingdom, and has deliberated upon the changes which are required to satisfy the just and moderate expectations of the people, and to render the House of Commons, in conformity with the spirit of the constitution, a fair representation of the property, the industry, and the intelligence of the nation.

" 2. That with regard to the franchise, this Conference is of opinion, that the right of voting should be widely extended, and that the franchise should be made more simple, with a view to the easy formation of an honest register of electors ; and it recommends that the elective franchise be based upon occupation and liability to the poor-rate, with such limitation as to period of residence as shall be necessary to afford a guarantee that the occupation is bona fide. In addition, the Conference would urge the extension of the forty-shilling franchise and its extension to the owners of property in the United Kingdom of that annual value, whether derived from freehold, copy- hold, or leasehold tenure,- with a view to open a way to the right of voting to many, who from various causes would not be in the direct occupation of premises rated to the relief of the poor, but whose claim to the franchise, from industry, character, and station, is undoubted. The whole constituency of the United Kingdom would thus consist of occupiers rated to the relief of the poor, and of the owners of property, freehold, copyhold, and leasehold, of the annual value of forty shillings.

"3. That this Conference is of opinion that no extension of the franchise will make the House of Commons a fair representation of the nation without a very considerable change in the distribution of the electoral power; and it therefore strongly urges—

"That, where practicable and convenient, small and neighbouring boroughs be united and form one borough. "That, where such union is not practicable, small boroughs cease to re- turn Members, and that their existing constituencies merge in the constitu- ency of the county in which they are situate. "That, corresponding to the extent to which small boroughs shall be united, or shall ceaseto return Members to Parliament, new boroughs be created from the populous towns now unrepresented, and that additional Members be con- ferred on the Metropolitan and other first class boroughs in the United King- dom.

"A guiding principle in the changes here recommended should be, that hereafter no small constituencies should exist, and that no constituency should consist of fewer than five thousand electors.

" 4. That this Conference is of opinion that the adoption of the ballot is indispensable to an honest representation : that it would make the convictions of the elector, rather than his personal interests and fears, the leading mo- tive in the exercise of his franchise; that it would repress the demoralizing practices, so humiliating to candidates and an degrading to electors, which seem almost inseparable from a canvass ; and that it would aid most effectu- ally in preventing the turbulence and riot with which elections have hitherto been too often attended.

"5. That this Conference is of opinion that the present legal duration of Parliaments is too much extended to secure to constituencies a proper con- trol over their representatives ; and would strongly urge the repeal of the Septennial Act, and the limitation of the duration of Parliaments, in accord- ance with ancient precedent, to a period not exceeding three years. "6. That this Conference entirely concurs in the view expressed by the Prune Minister during the last session of Parliament, that the property qualification for Members of Parliament ought to be abolished. "7. That in the propositions agreed to, and now submitted to the consi- deration of the country and the Government, this Conference has been anxious to adhere to the ancient landmarks of our representative system, and within their limits to introduce such changes only as experience has shown to be wise ; and so to widen the basis of the representation as to sa- tisfy- the just expectations of a people improving in industry, in comfort, in education, in morals, and in the appreciation of their public duties and pub- lic rights."

As to the franchise, said Mr. Bright, the ten-pound qualification was never looked upon as anything more than a halting-place. His idea is that we

should base it on the poor-rate ; for this reason, stronger than others, that that is the basis of the Parochial franchise, the Municipal franchise, and the franchise of the Poor-law Union ; and nobody has for a moment supposed that there is anything dangerous in those functions. They had intentionally left the term of residence open ; it may be anything from six months to three years. We know what the effect of taking on a three-years residence has been in another country ; and we know also that in Manchester it has made the Municipal franchise actually less numerous than the Parliamentary one. You must aim at one of two things by the residence,—either simply to as- certain the residence, or to restrict the franchise : the latter principle is an unwise one to adopt. With regard to paying rates, Yorkshire friends were for demanding that ; but Lancashire opinion being against it, the point of detail has been omitted. As to the ballot, no more need be said than that at this meeting, which seemed unanimous about it, were assembled as large a number of employers of great masses of the population as Mr. Bright ever saw. "We, who live among a population that theoretic statesmen imagine are not the safest, are willing to give the franchise to every person who is liable to be rated ; and also to give them the security of the ballot, in order that they may exercise the franchise without fear or control of their employers." With regard to the proposal for amalgamating small boroughs, and in certain cases abolishing them and transferring their privileges to other places, he expected that there would be no difference of opinion, because he was satis- fied that no extension of the suffrage that did not touch that particular point would be worth a single sixpence to the people. "If St. Alban's and Harwich had forty-shilling household suffrage, where would be our fair and free representation ? " With regard to the Septennial Act they are agreed. "And I think the Government are agreed. to propose some mean between three years and seven. I think the former is that which is approved by com- mon consent, and it is that which was in use a hundred and fifty years ago."

As Mr. Bright sat down, Sir Joshua Walmsley asked what was meant by "liability to the poor-rate." Mr. Bright replied, that as there had been some difference of opinion on that point, it had been left open for discussion. Sir Joshua Walmsley said that the answer was unsatisfactory ; and he was proceeding to declare that the work- ing classes would not be satisfied unless they know how the payment of rates is to be settled, when Alderman Carbutt of Leeds objected to dis- cussion until the resolutions had been seconded. This interruption per- haps somewhat sharpened the spirit of slight opposition which Sir Joshua Walmsley's small party presently manifested. Alderman Garbutt stated that the local Reform bodies at Leeds had, with very little difference of opinion, adopted the resolutions. Mr. George Thompson doubted not that Mr. Bright had been animated by a most anxious desire to obtain the largest possible measure of reform ; but surely he was now receding from the large proposition already endorsed by him- self and proposed by Mr. Hume to the House of Commons, giving every person a vote who should occupy a house, or any portion of a house or tene- ment, rated to the poor. The present resolution seemed to treat with total oblivion many wider and better measures proposed to Parliament as long ago as previous to the American war. They should remember that the ques- tion was not what opinions Alderman Carbutt might bring from the West Riding, but what were the opinions of the six millions of adult men of all these realms. Mr. Blight had said it was an evil to have a Reform Bill every year : so thought Mr. Thompson ; but if these resolutions were carried, they would not, so far as he is concerned, settle the question for a single day or hour. Why should any class be disfranchised, and so branded as the pariahs and lepers of political society ? He moved that, in lieu of Mr. Bright's qualification, the precise words of Mr. Hume's motion be introduced. Some colloquial discussion arose between Mr. Bright and Mr. Thompson as to the effect of the two qualifications in question ; Mr. Bright contend- ing that the words of the resolution are larger than those of Mr. Hume's resolution.

Mr. Duncan M‘Laren, Lord Provost of Edinburgh, stated that the inhabitants of Edinburgh would approve of and adopt the resolutions. Mr. Sharman Crawford stated that he had come from Ireland to support them, (though they fall short of what he deems necessary,) because they are the largest instalment likely to insure the cooperation of classes. Mr. Baines of Leeds approved of shortening Parliaments, but he would have preferred four or five years ; and with regard to the suffrage, he rather shrunk from giving a qualification that would raise the constituency of Leeds from 5200 to about 30,000. He had heard it rumoured among Members of Parliament, that the measure of Government will fall far short of expectation ; and he thought that proposals like these would only increase disappointment and discontent, He would require a residency of two years, which would reduce the proposed constituency of Leeds to about 20,000. Mr. Forbes, partner of Mr. Milligan, M.P. for Bradford, stated, as one of the largest employers of labour in Yorkshire, that he had no fears of the people, nor of their mode of using the franchise. A fresh discussion now arose on the relative extent of the qualification proposed by Mr. Bright and that put forward by Mr. George Thompson. Some personal warmth was imparted by a censure of Sir Joshua Walms- ley, which dropped from Mr. Forbes of Bradford, in reference to the address issued by Sir Joshua as President of the Financial Reform Asso- ciation, against the candidateship of Mr. Milligan at his recent election. At last, Mr. Forbes said he could not retract his censure, but he regretted that it had escaped from him. The discussion then flowing more ami- cably, Mr. Lightowler of Bradford said that the working men would not be content with anything but universal suffrage ; and Mr. David Green of Leeds said that the working men there would never consent to Mr. Baines's notion of a two-years residence clause. Mr. Cobden now summed up generally the results of the discussion ; assuaging any warmth of feeling by personal acknowledgments to Sir Joshua Walmsley ; practically summing up the arguments on the rating points ; and generally putting each resolution on its best ground of re- commendation to the whole Conference.

He rebuked all arrogant or exclusive assumption by any one there to re- present particularly the working classes. Those speakers only who stated that they were working men had that privilege ; and he collected that they were generally satisfied with the proceedings of the meeting. In particular reference to the franchise he said, the only difficulty was how to give a legal definition of the lodger qualification. "The last decision by the Court of Appeal was, that persons occupying rooms to which they had a separate key, beyond the control of the landlord, were occupiers entitled to the franchise, provided they paid 101. a year for their lodging. But it is not so clear how a lodger clause will let in that great body whose franchise is considered to be at issue. Now, the great bulk of the people alluded to by Mr. George Thompson would not come within such a clause, because nobody proposes to include in it those large classes, clerks, porters, &c:, who lodge and board in houses, and who in London number their tens of thousands. Neither would it give universal suffrage ; which Mr. Thompson, by supporting this clausSt throws over as much as any one. Then as to residence, Mr. Bright is more liberal than Sir Joshua Walmaley ; saying six months, while Sit Joshua gives twelve ; and therefore there is no reason why on this point one should set himself up more than the other as the advo- cate of democracy. I candidly confess myself, that both with re- ference to lodgers and to the duration of residence, I prefer twelve mouths to six. I am willing to enfranchise the lodger, where he can be en- franchised ; but always bearing in mind that you must make the rate-book the register, for that is the great advantage of making this plan a rating suffrage. I say, then, that the rate-book must be the register, and the more you can get on the book the better. But how are you to get the lodgers on the rate-book ? Mr. Thompson throws an impediment in the way which I am sure, on reflection, he will not persevere in. He says—' tenement, or portion of tenement, for which claim.' Now, the housekeeper who is rated is registered ; but the lodger must claim, and there is great difficulty in the way of the overseers rating him without a claim. This would then be no self-acting statute ; and I put it to the most Conservative gentleman present —(Latighter, and cries of "Mr. Baines ! ")—with the recollection he has of the facts, that even ten-pound householders were found to be so little zealous for the franchise that they would not walk across the street and pay a shilling to possess it; whether with such a process as Mr. Thompson pro- poses there is much danger of a vast influx on the register. Well, then, I turn to our friends on the other side, and I say, if this is so important, and will satisfy the people out of doors, then, with all my heart have your own way ; but don't come here under colours which you are not entitled to wear, and with arguments which you are not entitled to put forth, and assume that you exclusively advocate the rights of the universal people. I have enumerated, candidly and fairly, all the differences between us, that certain parties who are lodgers and apply to be rated shall be entitled to a vote; and to that I ask Mr. Baines to accede."

As to the " payment of rates," many gentlemen think that would be a good conservative and moral test. "But, said Mr. Cobden, "don't you think there is great immorality going on at present, in inducing men to vote by paying their rates ? I tell you honestly, my firm belief is, that if ever cor- ruption on a gigantic scale were to be tried—if ever concentrated wealth were to be poured on a multitudinous constituency for purposes of a certain sinister character—the very best field of operations would be a constituency where the rate-paying clause existed, and where, by paying the rates of thousands, thousands of votes might be bought : and I would go so far as to say, that with any very large constituency the payment of rates is the only corruption I should fear in this country. I believe that Sir Joshua Walmsley is induced to press this point from his knowledge of what was done with the not over-pure constituency of Liverpool, and where the payment of rates is practised on a larger scale than in any other part of the United Kingdom." Still, Mr. Cobden should be very lenient with the most intelligent gentlemen who take the other view. In conclusion, he said—" I think my friend Mr. Bright must insert clauses enabling lodgers to claim to be rated; but it will never do to put them in the language of Mr. Thompson, because he says merely 'claimed. There must be no question of claiming when the man comes to the poll—the rate-book must be the only register." Mr. George Thompson was urged by Mr. John Williams M.P., and others, to withdraw his amendment ; but he declined to do it. The amend- ment was put, and nine hands were held up in its favour. The original resolutions, as moved by Mr. Bright, were then agreed to unanimously. On the motion of Mr. Kershaw M.P., seconded by Alderman Carbutt, of it was resolved that a deputation should convey the resolutions to Lord ohn Russell.

The scheme of Reform, thus influentially launched, was presented to an immense meeting in the Free-trade Hall on the same evening. The ad- mission was by ticket, but the great building was crammed. The re- porter of the Daily News says that the meeting was one of the most re- spectable as well as the largest and most successful demonstrations ever witnessed even in Manchester ; the feeling manifested carrying back the memory to the most stirring period of the Anti-Corn-law agitation. The speeches—by Mr. George Wilson the Chairman, Mr. John Bright, Mr. Milner Gibson, Sir Joshua Walmsley, and Mr. Cobden—did not of course throw much new light on the political questions handled, but a selection of particular passages may be made. Mr. Bright, after his mode, attacked the " territorial system " ; and in re- ference to the fear that the Church would be in danger from further reforms, declared himself unable to see why more alarm about the Church than about the Chapel. Hume the historian has said that the spark of freedom in this country was lit up by the Puritans, and kept alive by them and their de- scendants; and in point of fact, what ter there is of freedom in England has come down through the Puritans—the Nonconformists. In favour of the resolutions adopted by the Conference, and moved by him for the adoption of the meeting, he said that they are the utmost that can be proposed with any chance of success : be would not propose to Parliament, and if he had dicta- torial power he would not carry, any law that had not the general approba- tion and sympathy of all classes of his countrymen. Lord Palmerston, at Tiverton, had graphically described the astonishment of foreigners at the orderly behaviour of the people under a few policemen in blue clothes, with bits of stick in their hands ; and he ascribed the state of things which so elicited the surprise or admiration of foreigners, to the good sense, the nobleness of heart, and other good qualities, of the British people. That phrase was far better than much of Lord Palmerston's diplomacy. He is a very capable man, and knows as well what is going on in this country as abroad. Let him be a witness on behalf of the people to his own body in the House of Commons, as well as to foreigners visiting this country ; and let him say whether the people of this country, with the great goodness of heart and all the noble qualities which he ascribed to them, and which enabled them to keep the peace in the most difficult circumstances, are not persons who may be intrusted with the electoral franchise.

Mr. Cobden put his advocacy of the ballot on new ground. He did not confine his advocacy of the plan merely to the protection of farmers and agricultural labourers; he desired it also to protect the voter in the manu- facturing districts, for they might depend upon it they had quite as glaring an evil arising from wealth and influence in Lancashire and Yorkshire as in the agricultural districts. Go into any borough like Stockport or Bolton, or any electoral borough, and tell him the politics of any large employer of labourers, and he would give them the politics of the labourers employed by those capitalists. Nine-tenths of the men would vote according to their toaster's principles. Is there any mesmerism or mysterious affinity which makes men think the same as those who pay their wages ? There is an influ- ence seen or unseen, occult or visible, he did not care which—there is an influ- ence on the mind of the labouring class ; and they have a right to vote without any such restriction or coercion. He wants the ballot for the protection of everybody in their votes, from the influence of everybody else. He wants it as a protection against landlords, millowners, priests, or customers. He for one will look upon any Reform Bill—he does not hesitate to declare it—as delusive, that does not comprise the ballot; and he does not call himself, nor would he ever own himself as a member of any political party, the'heads of which set themselves resolutely in opposition to the ballot. Indeed, he takes his stand on this question of the ballot as a test of the sincerity of those who profess to lead what is called the Liberal party in the country.

According to his opinions, settled now for three or four years—ever since the repeal of the Corn-laws—the old parties are altogether broken up. He has never considered that we have had since that event, a real political party in this country. Now, he wished, once for all, to state that he, not recognizing the bonds of party in any way since the time of the passing of Corn-law re- peal, has belonged as much to Sir James Graham's as to Lord John Russell's party. From that moment, he waited to see where there would be a flag held out which should warrant him in ranking himself under those insignia, without pretending to connect himself with a party when there was no bond of sympathy existing between them. He took the ballot as one test, the smallest test he would accept, of the identity of any political party with his opinions. But he would say more—that if any body of statesmen attempt to carry a reform measure, and launch it on the country with the idea of raising such an amount of enthusiasm as should enable them to pass such a measure, and think that the constituencies will allow that Ministry to leave the ballot out of it, they are under a very gross de- lusion, and do not know what they are doing. Because it is more palpable every day and every hour, that what the people have fixed their mind upon as one of the points in the new Reform Bill is the ballot. Observe with what enthusiasm the mere mention of it was received in that meeting. There was perfect unanimity at the Conference in the morning on the subject among men who came from all parts of Lancashire and Yorkshire ; and he ventured to say, if they took what is called the Liberal party in this country —that which is reckoned upon by our Reform Ministry as a support to carry out any reform in the House of Commons—nine-tenths of that Liberal party are in favour of the ballot. That being the case—there being greater una- nimity out of doors among the Liberal party upon the ballot than any other question, it would be a most absurd and most inconceivably unreasonable thing on the part of the leaders of what is called the Liberal party, to think that that which constitutes the greatest bond of union among the party should be left out of the programme of their Reform Bill. The resolutions of the Conference were adopted by acclamation ; the whole meeting shouting approval.

The National Public Schools Association has taken a marked step. The Council of the Association met at their rooms in Manchester on Monday morning, to discuss an amendment to their scheme. The Reverend W. F. Walker moved an " appendix to clause 6, sec. 3"--that " schools already in existence may become free schools, under the direction of their

present or future managers, and receive per week for each scholar educated in them," on these conditions : " that on inspection they are found satisfactory " ; that "the inculcation of doctrinal religion " shall not take place between certain hours, shall not be compulsory, and shall not be a part of the duty of the teachers ; and that "no part of the school payments derived from the rate shall be directly or indirectly applied to the inculcation of doctrinal religion." Mr. Cobden said he had always contemplated the use of existing schools. He hoped that the advocates of the Manchester and Salford scheme would now find themselves separated from the Association by so fine a line of demarcation that they would now feel able to come over and cooperate with the Association. Let them never imagine they are getting over the "religious difficulty" by merely putting it off to be dealt with in ap- pendices and schedules by a Parliamentary Committee. Mr. Miner Gibson regretted that the supporters of the local scheme have not brought forward their measure in Parliament as a public bill, instead of as a pri- vate bill, to be discussed only by counsel in Committee. The motion of Mr. Walker was unanimously adopted.

The step thus taken by the Council was ratified by a meeting of the general members of the Association, held in the Corn Exchange on the same evening. Mr. Henry M.P. presided; and in addition to a large number of influential gentlemen from all the chief towns of the manufac- turing districts, there were also Mr. George Combe and Mr. James Simp- son of Edinburgh.

The Chairman felt it his duty to call the attention of the Association in a marked way to the manifestation of intolerance by the Bishop. of Manchester in his exposition of the Manchester and Salford scheme by the clergy charge which he delivered at Bolton on the 8th of November, and by other influen- tial supporters of the "Local scheme." The Bishop in his charge said, re- specting Church schools, "I never would consent to give up the Catechism, the Prayer-book, and the distinctive teaching of the Church of England." And of the Dissenter's child in such schools, his Lordship says, " I would com- pel him to stand respectfully at the religious services of the school where be is allowed to go, where he is prayed for, if unable to join in it." This is the language of a Christian bishop in the nineteenth century ! After such avowals, what is to be thought of the provision which the Local scheme professes to make, that "no child shall be taught any distinctive creed, catechism, or formulary, to which its parents shall object" ? We may be sure that the indulgence which is promised will. reluctance, will, if the scheme be carried out, be granted with reluctance still greater. Indeed, Mr. Entwisle shows that he and his party will, as far as in them lies,preclude the use of unsectarian schools at all. He says, " This provision for rate- built schools is a provision against a very remote contingency, which the pro- moters confidently believe will seldom or never occur." Again, he says, in his pamphlet—" He cannot admit that the exclusion of creeds, catechisms, and formularies, will exclude the teaching of the fundamental doctrines of the Christian faith,—such as, for instance, the doctrine of a future life, of man's fallen nature, of his religious responsibility, of the redemption of the world, and of the revelation of God's will to mankind in the pages of in- spired Scripture." All these declarations taken together are surely a sufficient throwing off of the mask, and protrusion of the cloven foot, to cause those who have been deceived by false pretences of tolerance and conciliation, to separate themselves from the Local scheme.

Mr. Milner Gibson argued, that as the Privy Council has always con- tained, and now contains, men who are in advance both of the House of Commons and of the public in general on the question of education, it would be most unstatesmanlike to take the present minutes of the Council, which have hitherto been progressive from session to session, and fix them as the unalterable statutory basis of the system of National edu- cation.

Mr. George Combe testified his admiration of the progress the question is making—so much greater than he, an advocate of public education for these thirty years, had ever hoped to see in his own life ; and he en- couraged to further endeavours by stating that the working men of Edin- burgh, Glasgow, Aberdeen, and Paisley, have met and approved of the scheme, and bid the Association God speed. Mr. Cobden earnestly pressed on the Association the critical value of local efforts ; for upon the result of the present struggle between the un- sectarian and the sectarian plan, would the general national scheme, which sooner or later must be organized, much depend. He again dwelt much on the slight difference which exists between the formal scheme of the National Association and the Local scheme and he expel:seed a strong hope that the promoters of the latter would consider whether they cannot come one step further, and refrain from insisting on a religious test ht their schools—the "authorised version" test—which must either be taken hypocritically, or must exclude at least all Roman Catholics, and all Jews. Expressing his regret, and his unbounded surprise, that Dis- senters hold aloof from the Association, he declared, with an energy that raised loud cheers, that the people are weary of waiting for knowledge while these sectarian strifes are prolonged about them ; and he for one will support education on its own merits.

"I will do the best for Dissenters, but I will not oppose any system which gives to the working classes the power to raise themselves into the position of sharing the advantages of those above them. I don't therefore profess to come here to oppose the Local plan. I believe, if that plan were adopted it would remain where it is. I believe, if we once get a system of free schools, the spirit of a free school will very soonitself of the minds of the people; that it will be found here, as it Laseb8een found in Ireland, under a far severer pressure and test than it ever can have in this country ; it is su- perior in its strength to almost all other influences ; and I believe, if we once establish a system of free schools supported by rates in this country, it won't be long that you who pay rates here in Manchester will allow either Roman Catholics or Jews to be excluded from the benefits of those rates."

A great meeting of the supporters of the Manchester and Salford scheme was held in the same theatre of leading demonstrations on Tues. day evening. Mr. W. Entwisle presided ; the Bishop of Manchester, the Reverend Hugh Stowell, Alderman Shuttleworth, and Canon Clifton, were speakers, to an audience reckoned at five thousand. The Bishop of Manchester pointed with exultation to the "concession" made on the previous day by the National Schools Association—" at the eleventh hour, bidding for popularity, they consented to add religious to their se- cular education." He answered the charges against him of intolerance, by counter-charges of gross, palpable, not to say wilful, but certainly reckless, misrepresentation. If he had said he would not give up the Church formularies and teaching in Church schools, had he not said the same of the Dissenters ?—that they should have as full, free, and ample liberty of inculcating their doctrine. And if he would have Dissenting children stand while the prayers of the Church were read, is it not pal- pable that this was because standing is not an attitude of worship ? Upon the other objection raised at the meeting of the National Schools Associa- tion the Bishop was not very clear in his explanation.

"It is the statement which has been misunderstood in several quarters with respect to those schools which are proposed by the present measure to be built and supported entirely out of the rates. Now, I will frankly tell you, as regards those schools, I do not concur with the promoters of the pre- sent measure. I believe myself, that schools of that kind, if ever they were permitted to be built, would be most dangerous and most injurious; and therefore I took an occasion lately of publicly stating my feeling, that I would claim them for the Established Church. But mark what use has been made of that. Oh,' it is said, the Bishop is desirous here to steal a march upon us, and invade the rights and privileges of the Dissenter.' It is unfortunate that gentlemen, before they make statements, will not examine the whole state of the case. I expressly stated, that I should consider such schools could only be built in localities where no school of any denomination was voluntarily raised; and in those localities—and those localities alone—I pro- posed the Church should be empowered to build them. Now, let me ask, what injury is done to any denomination of Dissenters whatever ? If the locality be such that the Roman Catholic, that the Baptist, that the Unita- rian, that the Jew, that no person of any denomination will go there, what injury is done to them if the Church is called upon, as the Establishment of the country, to come forward and take office ? "

The Roman Catholic Bishop of Nottingham, Dr. Hendren, late Bishop of Clifton, was enthroned on Tuesday, with great ceremonial pomp. Fifty of the Romanist clergy from Derby, Leicester, Loughborough, the Monastery of St. Bernard in Leicestershire, and from other parts of the " diocese," took part in the proceedings. The Bishop headed a procession up the South aisle of his new church of St. Barnabas, and, walking under a canopy, with mitred head, came to his gorgeously-de- corated throne ; where the clergy went through the ecclesiastical homage of kissing the band or ring. After the service, a complimentary address was presented to the Bishop, and acknowledged by him with duly hum- ble deprecation of praises or self-merits. The new cathedral is described as "the most perfect model of a parochial church that has been accom- plished during the last three centuries. The choir is entirely surrounded by aisles and Eastern Chapels." The general plan is cruciform; 190 feet from East to West ; with a spire of 150 feet high. It is built on an elevated site on the West side of the town. The first stone was laid by Dr. Wiseman in May /842 ; and the chief cost, upwards of 20,0001., has been borne by the Earl of Shrewsbury. The beneficence of the Roman Catholic Peer is acknowledged by the following inscription running from the bottom of the aisle windows—" Good Christian people, of your charity pray for the good estate of John Earl of Shrewsbury, the chief benefactor to the building of this church, dedicated in honour of St Barnabas."

The St. Alban's Bribery Commission met again, at St. Alban's, on Monday last, to connect some of the scattered facts of the inquiry, to grant certificates of indemnity, and generally to wind up their inquiry. The Honourable F. Craven, and Mr. G. W. 'lepton, the sitting Member for the borough, were the witnesses examined. Mr. Craven stated, that he was a candidate for the borough in 1847, and spent only between 6001. and 1001/.; but the smallness of the sum was easily accounted for—he remained at the bottom of the poll. It was sug- gested that he should buy about one hundred votes, but he would not con- sent. He had a shrew' suspicion that there was bribery going on—on his own, as well as on the other side ; but he had no personal cognizance of the fact.

Mr. Repton has represented the borough since 1841. His election in 1841 cost between 30001. and 40001. He only knew the fact lately, through incidentally examining an old banking book ; for the matter was arranged without his knowledge by members of his family. Mr. Rumball, a formerMayor of the town, pleaded strenuously to be allowed to put in a written communication stating facts respecting the hiding away of witnesses from the Parliamentary inquiry last session. Mr. Forsyth eau- tioned Mr. Rumball, by saying, Yoe must recollect that this is a serious matter, and that you must be careful what charges you make." It was at last agreed that the letter should be read out aloud, on the understanding that Mr. Bumball should " take the risk of the consequences." The letter referred to the detention of Atkins, I..ynes, Haywood, and Brandon, by Ed-

wards; but was not otherwise of interest. r. Rumball particularly de- manded that a certificate of indemnity should be withheld from Mr. Ed- wards. Mr. Gresham, one of the solicitor witnesses, also begged to she, cause why Mr. Edwards should have no certificate. As Mr. Gresham step. ped oat of the witness-box, the mob in court jeered at him, and Edwards joined in the laughter. Mr. Gresham observed to Edwards, " Here is your rough Committee at work." "Edwards, enraged at a taunt which local tra. ditions appear to have made peculiarly cutting, jumped up, seized his horse- whip lying by his side, and, holding it threateningly over the solicitor, ex- claimed, ' How dare you say that sir ? ' The audience was silent in a mo- ment at sight of this extraordinary episode; and Mr. Gresham, with ad- mirable coolness, addressed the Commissioners, and said, I beg you to take notice that I am assaulted.' Perceiving his error, Mr. Edwards dropped the whip. Mr. Gresham took it up, held it up to the Commissioners, and said again, "Ibis is what he was going to assault me with.' Mr. Edwards then dragged the whip from Mr. Gresham, and shouted, How dare you speak as y ou did )' Commissioner Forsyth at this juncture interposed, with an :Order, order!' and a horse-whipping in open court was prevented. Mr. Fitzgerald, the secretary of the Commission, had been busy in a room adjacent granting certificates to the witnesses which had been reported worthy of them by the Commissioners. Some of the townsmen, finding themselves rejected, hurried into the chief court, and pleaded earnestly for the refused document. "The first who appeared was a very poor and very old man, apparently a labourer. He had strenuously-denied on a former day Edwards's allegation against him—that he took 51. for his vote. 'The vote was never mentioned, and he therefore refused to admit that he had considered the bribe as a bribe. He was now asked, did he confess that he had regarded the money as for his vote. ' Yee, I suppose it was' Then why did yen not say so last time?' Why, the vote was never mentioned by Ed'arde 'Bat did you not in your conscience know that the money was to secure your vote ? ' ' Yes, I did ; I suppose I did.' Then,' said the Chief Commissioner, passing sentence, you stated a falsehood when you were before us formerly, and to grant you a certificate that you have spoken the truth would be in us to com- mit a crime something like your own. You must abide the result.' The succeeding ease was even more personally humiliating. The petitioner was a musician.' Edwards had stated that he had received Si. for his vote. When called in his turn he denied that the 51. was for his vote—it was for music—three gongs, worth 10s. This story he adhered to with pertinacious obstinacy; and the consequence was that the certificate was now refused to him. He came to express his compunction to the Commissioners, and to beg that they would relent. He had not known how to answer, when he was under examination. He had not intended to tell an untruth ; and he was very sorry." Did you, then tell us false? "Yes, I did," Then you can- not have your certificate. You set a bad example; and must abide by what you have done.' He left the witness-box, his frame quivering and his eyes bloodshot ; his whole aspect telling how intensely he was feeling the morti- fication of his disgrace. There were some other smiler incidents : the Com- missioners adhered to their rule firmly."

In the course of Mr. Rumball's impeachment, Mr. Edwards had declared that if the Commissioners did not offer him his certificate voluntarily and on the ground that he deserved it, he certainly should not ask for it ; and the declaration had drawn loud cheers from the audience. After the examina- tion of Mr. Rumball's witnesses, the Commissioners stated, that in the cases of those engaged directly, by the candidates, such as Mr. Low, Mr. Blagg, and Mr. Edwards, certificates would be grahted at some subsequent period. Mr. Edwards—" Then, we may consider that we have the certi- ficates ? " Chief Commissioner Slade—"All I can say is you are sure of them if things remain as they now appear. And let it be understood, that if any one is harassed in any way for anything in connexion with the part he may have taken in this inquiry, his beat course is to apply to us." inquiry nquiry was then adjourned to the 25th of January. The dateis merely nominal. The Commissioners will not sit again.

Henry Padwiek Butler, assistant to Mr. Peek, a surgeon of Newmarket, has been committed by the Cambridge Magistrates on three charges of rob- bery. Butler knew a Cambridge student, and while visiting him, his plau- sible manners gained him access to the rooms of other gentlemen • he robbed them of two gold watches, a gold pin, and a dressing-case. When arrested at Newmarket, Butler was wearing the stolen pin.

Cambridge, a slater of Cirencester, owed his landlord rent ; he barricaded his house to prevent the entry of a distress-warrant ; the landlord hired a sweep to descend a chimney and create an opportunity to serve the warrant. Cambridge defended his kitchen-chimney by burning shavings in the grate ; but the sweep descended a bedroom-chimney. The slater confronted him ; the sweep beat him with a thick stick, and called out " Murder ! " when an assistant, under pretence of stopping crime, broke open the street-door with a pickaxe, and getting in, kept possession. The Magistrates. Sued the sweep 51. with 1/. 10s. costs, for his invasion of "an Englishman's castle," with the alternative of two months' imprisonment in default.

John Dorey, a Bristol man, who was recently accused of bigamy but was set at liberty in consequence of some technical difficulty, has fired a pistol at Mr. Bennett, a farmer living near the city. He believed that Bennett and his own second wife were too intimate, and that from this the bigamy chargearose. He shot at Bennett as he left a tavern at night, but missed his aim. He has been committed for trial.

Mr. Parker, a farmer of Keynsharn, near Bristol, has been assailed by three men close to his own house' knocked down with sticks, beaten till he became insensible, and then robbed.

The Mark Lane Express of Monday records no fewer than fourteen "in- cendiary" fires in the country during the preceding week.

Mr. John Taylor Crook, a well-known merchant at Liverpool, eoppectgd with a line of American packets, has committed suicide by hanging him • He went to the 'United States last year, where he suffered much from sick- ness ; and he lost 30,000/. by unfortunate speculations. He had recently quitted his firm in Liverpool, his successors granting him an annuity.

The inquest at Tollesbury, on the body of Mrs. Cobb, brie resulted in a verdict of "Wilful murder' against Henry Harrington. James Martin, the stoker of the engine of the passenger-train which ran into the goods-train on the South Coast Railway as it was crossing the single-line bridge over the Arun, died on Sunday. .An inquest was held over his body on Tuesday, and the evidence taken fully. bore out the account of the accident given last week. Pemberton, the engine-driver takes on him- self all the blame : all the signals were right, but he could not see them. Martin, his stoker, tthe deceased,) was a casual substitute for his mate, who was : he put too much coal on ; Pemberton had been correcting the er- ror, and the blaze of the fire had put out his eight for some moments. It ap- peared from the evidence of other witnesses that this incident was a very probable one. Pemberton was an habitually rapid driver, but he was a sober and skilful man. The Jury found a verdict of " Manslaughter" against Pemberton, and gave a recommendation that all trains should go slowly over the Arun bridge.

A very fatal explosion has occurred near Dartford. Mr. Edward CanOw had recently occupied a farm-house called "Joyce's," a mile from the lawn, for the preparation of signal-rackets and a mixture for Ilastin4 pzFrms• On Tneeday afternoon, the place was torn fo pieces by an explosion; four

man, two. women, and a boy perished, and two teen were desperately hurt. The head of a man and the legs of a woman were blown off. An inquest was opened on Thursday, but no light was Berme on. the cause of the disaster : the inquest was adjourned.