Commonwealth and Foreign
HITLER AND THE GERMAN PUBLIC
FROM A BERLIN CORRESPONDENT To anyone sitting in the Kroll Opera House (still the temporary Reichstag) gazing down on those 855 representatives of the Pan-German Reich, how obvious it was that they were merely " placemen "! What patronage Hitler holds in his own hands! These Deputies rose like automatons to sacrifice once more the legislative functions of their Reichstag, through the extension of the Empowering Laws until January 301h, 1943- Not one of them dared ask why it was necessary at this time to extend laws which did not lapse until 1941. And how significant it was as one watched these Deputies through Hitler's two and a quarter-hour speech, that their most enthusiastic applause was kept for the Fiihrer's recital of the wealth of the Roman Catholic and Protestant Churches—a very present help in coming financial troubles.
Many of the general public listened to the speech either from curiosity or fear or because they had to line the streets to the Reichstag. Even the Nazi party leaders would probably be amazed at the number who turned off their radios when Hitler began to expound his favourite economic theories of production. The truth is that this nation has been pro- pagandised " dull " during the past six years. Nazi propa- ganda has gone so far that the average German is sceptical of everything heard or read from official sources. A German friend of the writer's heard Hitler's speech in the house of a workman in Essen. When the Fiihrer declared, "I believe in a long period of peace," the man could contain himself no longer and burst out, "Then why are we working like 'ell to blow all peace into the air?" The boomerang has sprung back, and the average German cannot be suddenly expected to take an intelligent interest in things when he has been excluded from all free participation in affairs for six years and compelled to blind obedience at the behest of the Gestapo.
Mr. Chamberlain's speech cut little ice here. The Germans do not get the full text of such speeches, only " selected " passages. In this case the Prime Minister's references to Italy were reproduced, and some newspapers talked of his desire for a gesture. But how many people here knew what that gesture was to be? For they got from their Press and radio only " interpretations " by leader-writers who had received their " leads " from the Propaganda Ministry the same day. It might also be added that the time for the Premier's statement was not too well chosen, since it could hardly be expected that the German Press could dispose of the Ffihrer's sneech in one day. And then came Roosevelt's state- ment, which released the floodgates of German venom for three days.
Mr. Chamberlain, it may be added, is credited by the masses here with a sincere desire for peace, and the thankful- ness for any sort of peace at Munich last September has been universally voiced here. But that is not to say that the Germans trust his statesmanship. How, it has been repeatedly asked, could a man with what is reputed to be the best- informed secret service in the world, not have known in May what were Hitler's plans, and so have saved the Czechs the humiliation of Munich? What a blessing a prominent Nazi said recently at a private conference, that the British did not know how many rusty nails were found in the cannons and machine-guns last September. There have been sufficient polemics over the Munich Agreement, but it must be said that what happened then has persuaded many Germans of all classes that the British and French have long ago surrendered their faith in democratic ideas in foreign policy, and convinced them of the colossal ignorance of both Western democracies regarding Nazi mentality.
What has here been said is no irrelevance. It leads to the very significant fact that among the thinking youth of Germany today many see no alternative to Communism. Organised religion, they say, has failed them, capitalism stands con- demned, and, after all, the only difference between Germany and Russia today is that "in Russia it is colder." The most popular British statesman in the Reich today is Anthony Eden. To some he represents a policy, but his popularity is mainly due to Hitler's attacks.
Many incidents might be quoted to show the passive resist-
ance which is being followed today in all classes, and not least among those who wear the Nazi uniform. How difficult has it been among umvzrsity students to get them to do extra volun- tary work for the party. "Ca' canny" is much more common than is realised, and discontent is expressed much more freely than ever before, especially in Vienna and the Sudetenland.
But will this passive resistance become active? Some day it will—in that slow, thundering way which produced the German revolution after the World War. But at the moment there are a few things which prevent it. Most important of these is not the fear of the Gestapo, great as that is, but the absence of any new unifying idea which shall replace Nazism, and the lack of leaders. The average German cannot envisage what will come after the present regime. If Hitler went, ask many in the Army, would not Himmler try to seize power, and would not that be much worse?
The lower middle-class, the small shopkeeper, which was Hitler's chief support in the fighting days, is doing badly, but it has the consolation of knowing that the rest are in the same boat. The working men are tired of the extra hours worked nowadays ; but they do not forget that Hitler gave them work, that through him they were able to marry and have families, and as far as the Fiihrer's "quaint ideas" are concerned, why shouldn't he have them, especially as they have made Germany great in the world once more? The intellectuals do not count, except in so far as they have "restudied history," and can fall in with the new march of events. It is difficult to measure the extent to which youth has been won over to the new doctrines. Girls and young women, especially in the country, still hysteric- ally rush to shake Hitler's hand. What is calamitous is of course the extent to which this country is cut off from all know- ledge of the world except such as comes through Nazi channels. , And here the German language broadcasts of the British ' stations are doing great good. Hitler's reference in his last speech was the best proof of this.
On the economic side, wages and prices (apart from deteriora- tion in quality) have been kept remarkably stable, and there is no doubt but that the " democratisation " of education through the schools, the Labour Service, &c., makes for that national uniformity which the German likes.
These people are much less anti-semitic than the incidents of November 9th-loth last would suggest. And many of them, even in the SS and SA, were disgusted with what then took place, and expressed their feelings openly. Even that, however, can pass without anyone being made to answer for it. But what the German people will not allow will be Hitler's leading them into war, unless it is to be a quick I triumph. The moment the Reich meets with stern oppositionl from without, the present passive resistance will show itself in a more formidable way. And the Nazi leaders know it.
The old connexions between the former Social Democrats in Germany and in Austria have long been established, and it is surprising how much of the " internationalism " of former trade union days still exists. The initiative in this matter comes from Vienna, where even up to today the Nazis and the Gestapo have had to tread warily in dealing with the Socialists. The Nazis' activities in Austria have been con- fined mainly to persecuting the Jews and the Roman Catholic Church, and to keeping their own followers in order. There is something very significant in the joke now heard in Vienna. Gauleiter Buerckel visits ex-Chancellor Schusctmigg in the Hotel Metropol, and asks him, "Tell me frankly, how could you manage these Nazis for four years."
The Germans are watching carefully the Franco-Italian quarrel. They have no desire to pick Italy's chestnuts out of the fire, if it means war. Italy is still unpopular here despite all the propaganda in its favour. These people want to be friends with Britain, but such is their ignorance of foreign affairs just now that Hitler's advocacy of colonies is considered self-evident, without any question of reciprocal concessions from the Reich. And in this they are much helped by those English sponsors of Germany's colonial rights whose utter- ances and articles are eagerly seized by the Propaganda Ministry and reproduced throughout the Reich Press.
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