declaration, but the declarations which he continued to make Now
doctrines of this kind, coming from M. Buffet, seem to on various subsequent occasions, rather confirmed than relieved us just what was wanted to put the Government in a sound our uneasy feeling as to his tendencies. However, it can and intelligible relation with the Liberals. This is not the hardly be denied that the speech which he made on Wednes- language of a Minister who secretly wishes to see the Assemblies day, accompanied as it is by the energetic preparations of no account, or who desires to find an excuse for making for dissolution which the Assembly, if not under the advice them of no account. It is the language of a Minister who of the Government, at least with its full co-operation, appears has made up his mind that though representative Assemblies to be making, ought to win him a much larger amount of ought not to absorb all power in France, they cannot be dis- constitutional confidence than he has hitherto earned. His pensed with, and are just as needful to make the Executivestrong, speech is certainly like the speech of a man who believes as an independent Executive is needful to make them strong. honestly in Parliamentary government, and wishes to see it In other words, the situation in France is this,—the chief growing in the confidence of the nation, instead of forfeiting of the Conservative party is beginning to lean on the that confidence. It has the ring of a liberalising Conservatism popular power, and the chief of the Radical party is be- about it, instead of one of crypto-reaction. Now there can be ginning to be careful for the Executive power. And all nothing more hopeful in France than to find the chiefs of the this has happened only as the slow fruit of struggles long two great opposite parties approximating, however slowly, to continued and of the utmost vehemence, but which have been that moderation of tone which will teach them to understand less and less violent as time has gone on. The fall of each other. M. Thiers was a triumph for reaction, and a somewhat noisy The first hopeful symptom on which we have long in- triumph. The failure of the Bourbon conspiracy was a triumph sisted was M. Gambetta's earnest endeavour to control the for the Liberal party, though a somewhat less explosive triumph. French Radicalism, to do justice to the Conservatism of the The acceptance of the Septennate was, again, due to a vibration peasantry, and to reconcile the bourgeoisie with the artisan of the pendulum in the Conservative direction, but a less class. By this endeavour M. Gambetta has, as we believe, violent one than the last. The declaration of the Constitu- saved France. The wild vibrations of the political pendulum tional Republic was a new concession to popular wishes, were altogether due to the want of common understanding and and at once the most important and the least sensational common feeling between the ouvriers and the peasant-farmers of all the recent crises. And now M. Buffet, while maintaining on the one side, and the ouvriers and the shopkeepers on in words the independence of the Executive, and resisting popular the other. When the mobs of the great cities got the encroachments, has, though he is the chief of the Conservative upper hand, France put on the red cap, and all was party, used language such as would have been used two years ago agitation. When the agitation had fully sickened both by M. Thiers as the head of the Liberal party. Thus the progress bourgeoisie and peasantry,—and of course the Army, which towards mutual understanding seems to us most significant. is more or less identified with the peasantry,—then some dicta- The spokesman of the Right Centre and the Right in 1875 is for arose who put down the Communists, and ruled in the at least as Liberal as was the spokesman of the Left Centre in name of capital and land. Before this vicious series of violent 1873; and the spokesman of the Radical Left in 1875 is almost alternations could cease, it was absolutely necessary that some as moderate as was the spokesman of the Left Centre in 1873. M. one whom the artisans trust should be statesman enough to Buffet now is as Constitutional in his tone as, in 1873, or even in see the need of winning the confidence of the two other 1874, he was disposed to lean to despotism. M. Gambetta is as great classes of France,—and this happened, we believe, Conservative now, as in 1873 or in 1874 he was disposed to be when M. Gambetta first returned to public life, after the provocative. Neither the white flag nor the upheaval of new gloomy experience of his short dictatorship during the war. couches sociales' are any longer terrors kept in reserve for the But it was not enough for M. Gambetta to be moderate opposite party. If righteousness and peace have not exactly himself, and to teach moderation to the party which puts con- kissed each other, at least the Right and the Left fidence in him,—it was equally necessary that the leader of the have understood each other. And that is the beginning party so violently distrusted as reactionist, should show himself of wisdom. Constitutionalism cannot exist in a country equally moderate, and tone down his fear and hatred of mobs where the extreme parties have not a common intel- tions of Government. In any case, when the Assemblies are dissolved there must be a time when the Executive has it all its THE NEW ADVANCE IN FRANCE. own way, and that would be the time, if the country seemed
THE Constitutional speech delivered by M. Buffet on Wednes- to favour a coup cretat, when a coup d'ertat would take place. day, marks, we think, a new era in France. We have never Make the Assemblies appear to be the centres of agitation, in- hitherto felt or expressed much confidence in M. Buffet. It has stead of fountains of sound popular advice, and nothing can been believed here, and we have shared that belief, that M. prevent the danger of coups d'itat. Make the Assemblies the Buffet's dread of the Constitutional Republic has been hardly great bulwarks of popular liberties and rights, and public opinion less than his dread of a restored Empire. He had hitherto will protect them from coups d'etat. The Assemblies which would seemed to distrust liberty even with more vivacity than he dis- be really popular in France must be the steady allies, not the trusted despotism. When he took office we feared that France rivals, of the Executive ; and that is precisely what the French had got another Due de Broglie; and not only M. Buffet's first Government desires to see them.
declaration, but the declarations which he continued to make Now doctrines of this kind, coming from M. Buffet, seem to on various subsequent occasions, rather confirmed than relieved us just what was wanted to put the Government in a sound our uneasy feeling as to his tendencies. However, it can and intelligible relation with the Liberals. This is not the hardly be denied that the speech which he made on Wednes- language of a Minister who secretly wishes to see the Assemblies day, accompanied as it is by the energetic preparations of no account, or who desires to find an excuse for making for dissolution which the Assembly, if not under the advice them of no account. It is the language of a Minister who of the Government, at least with its full co-operation, appears has made up his mind that though representative Assemblies to be making, ought to win him a much larger amount of ought not to absorb all power in France, they cannot be dis- constitutional confidence than he has hitherto earned. His pensed with, and are just as needful to make the Executivestrong, speech is certainly like the speech of a man who believes as an independent Executive is needful to make them strong. honestly in Parliamentary government, and wishes to see it In other words, the situation in France is this,—the chief growing in the confidence of the nation, instead of forfeiting of the Conservative party is beginning to lean on the that confidence. It has the ring of a liberalising Conservatism popular power, and the chief of the Radical party is be- about it, instead of one of crypto-reaction. Now there can be ginning to be careful for the Executive power. And all nothing more hopeful in France than to find the chiefs of the this has happened only as the slow fruit of struggles long two great opposite parties approximating, however slowly, to continued and of the utmost vehemence, but which have been that moderation of tone which will teach them to understand less and less violent as time has gone on. The fall of each other. M. Thiers was a triumph for reaction, and a somewhat noisy The first hopeful symptom on which we have long in- triumph. The failure of the Bourbon conspiracy was a triumph sisted was M. Gambetta's earnest endeavour to control the for the Liberal party, though a somewhat less explosive triumph. French Radicalism, to do justice to the Conservatism of the The acceptance of the Septennate was, again, due to a vibration peasantry, and to reconcile the bourgeoisie with the artisan of the pendulum in the Conservative direction, but a less class. By this endeavour M. Gambetta has, as we believe, violent one than the last. The declaration of the Constitu- saved France. The wild vibrations of the political pendulum tional Republic was a new concession to popular wishes, were altogether due to the want of common understanding and and at once the most important and the least sensational common feeling between the ouvriers and the peasant-farmers of all the recent crises. And now M. Buffet, while maintaining on the one side, and the ouvriers and the shopkeepers on in words the independence of the Executive, and resisting popular the other. When the mobs of the great cities got the encroachments, has, though he is the chief of the Conservative upper hand, France put on the red cap, and all was party, used language such as would have been used two years ago agitation. When the agitation had fully sickened both by M. Thiers as the head of the Liberal party. Thus the progress bourgeoisie and peasantry,—and of course the Army, which towards mutual understanding seems to us most significant. is more or less identified with the peasantry,—then some dicta- The spokesman of the Right Centre and the Right in 1875 is for arose who put down the Communists, and ruled in the at least as Liberal as was the spokesman of the Left Centre in name of capital and land. Before this vicious series of violent 1873; and the spokesman of the Radical Left in 1875 is almost alternations could cease, it was absolutely necessary that some as moderate as was the spokesman of the Left Centre in 1873. M. one whom the artisans trust should be statesman enough to Buffet now is as Constitutional in his tone as, in 1873, or even in see the need of winning the confidence of the two other 1874, he was disposed to lean to despotism. M. Gambetta is as great classes of France,—and this happened, we believe, Conservative now, as in 1873 or in 1874 he was disposed to be when M. Gambetta first returned to public life, after the provocative. Neither the white flag nor the upheaval of new gloomy experience of his short dictatorship during the war. couches sociales' are any longer terrors kept in reserve for the But it was not enough for M. Gambetta to be moderate opposite party. If righteousness and peace have not exactly himself, and to teach moderation to the party which puts con- kissed each other, at least the Right and the Left fidence in him,—it was equally necessary that the leader of the have understood each other. And that is the beginning party so violently distrusted as reactionist, should show himself of wisdom. Constitutionalism cannot exist in a country equally moderate, and tone down his fear and hatred of mobs where the extreme parties have not a common intel- moral basis is beginning to be felt in France by both Con- servatives and Liberals, and on this we ground our hopes for the future. It is indeed the first time in France that a stormy Assembly, instead of growing more and more stormy up to the point of a sensational euthanasia, has gradually quieted down by mere dint of self-control exercised through very trying crises, on both sides, into something like a Parliamentary equilibrium. And nothing can bid fairer for the dissolution and the appeal to the country, than this new feeling on the part of the Radicals that the Government is not so unscrupu- lous as they once thought it, and this still newer feeling on the part of the Government that the populace is not, after all, so anarchical as it had been led to imagine. That is the mood in which political antagonists learn how to submit honestly the issues between them to the arbitration of the nation, without nourishing a secret conviction that if the nation declares against them the nation cannot be in its right mind, and ought to be converted to a better mind by a wholesome use of force. And when once the extremes begin to be tolerant of each other in France, the moderate politicians who occupy the mean between them will begin to govern.
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