Debates anti 48roteebings in Iglarliantent.

SPANISH Arrenis.

In the House of Commons, on Monday, Mr. BASIVES moved, by way of amendment on the motion for a CoMmittee of Supply,

" That this House learns with deep regret, from a correspondence between the British Government and the Government of Spain, now on the table of this Howe, that a proposed interference with the internal concerns of the Spanish Govern- ment, as conducted under the authority and with the entire approval of her Ma- jesty's Ministers, has placed the British Government and our representative at the Court of Madrid in a position humiliating in its character, and which is cal- culated to affect the friendly relations existing between the Courts of Great Bri- tain and Spain."

Mr. Bankes commenced with some remarks on the complaisant and quiet tran- quillity with which our Government seemed to regard so extraordinary an event as the expulsion, at a very limited notice, of our Ambassador from a friendly fo- reign country. h was astonishing that no member of the Government had prof- fered the explanations which he now called for on a matter involving the honour and character of the country. Unless other muds existed beyond those stated, no justification appeared for the extreme course taken by the Court of Spain. The papers, however, were obviously incomplete,—consist- ing of partially selected extracts, taken chiefly from the letters of our own Ambassador. Mr. Bankes remarked by the by, that many of the extracts were ludicrously uninforming; and gave a specimen. It commenced—" I have just had an interview with the Duke of Sotomayor, who had requested to see me, when be stated "—Here was a blank, and this was all that was given. (Laughter.) "The Duke stated "; but what he stated they were left in the dark about. But, after telling them that "the Duke stated," the document proceeded—" The Duke then spoke." So that after he had stated, it appeared be spoke. (Laughter.) A very great portion of the published papers was, as he was informed—being no Spanish scholar himself—made up of extracts from the Spanish newspapers, which had been both incompletely and incorrectly translated. One of these ex- tracts was from the tferaldo, and ran thus—" A single reflection suffices to dis- sipate those diNuietudes, viz, the impossibility in which the English Cabinet is at this time to place itself in a hostile attitude with respect to the Continent; sapped by the Irish insurrection, which exhausts its resources, and requires the presence of a considerable part of its army; by the increasing deficit of its trea- sury; by the general discredit brought upon its policy by the manceuvres made use of in the affairs of Italy; by the suspicions which its friendly relations with the Court of Vienna infuse into all Europe; and finally, by the Chartist party, which, although frustrated in its efforts up to this time, counts upon the indirect cooperation of the new Parliamentary faction led by Hume and Cobden--(Roara of laughter)—and which, without the least doubt, would avail itself of the diffi- culties which a foreign war would bring upon the Cabinet, to light up the flames of civil war in all parts of the United Kingdom."

Mr. Bankes proceeded to examine the correspondence. He read and criticized Lord Palmerston's two despatches of the 16th March and the 20th April; telling Sir Remy Bulwer to recommend to the Spanish Government, and to the Queen Mother, the adoption of" a legal and constitutional course of government," and the recon- struction of the Ministry by calling in Liberals,—a proceeding much the same as if the Duke of Sotomayor had recommended our own Government to take into their ominous those gentlemen to whom allusion had been already made as forming the new party—(" Hear, hear!" and laughter)—adding, that if he did not agree to do

singsJJsçe the Spanish Government would at least have the satisfaction of hay- .4UiZl* against the likely consequence. Mr. Bankes cited cases of re- Spain and with Holland, urged by Sir William Godolphin and in 1678, with dignity and immediate effect, but urged with-

out reference to great obligations to this country under which Spain and Holland then lay. He ridiculed the assurance in Lord Palmareton's despatch of the 20th Aprit that he was "not offeaded." He censured in severe terms so ill-timed and

inyeareitons an seterept at ititeetteence on the part of our Foreign Minister,—a Minister who, as *VII as tbs present Fria* Minister, had come into power with

the late Lord Grey' ander eke Wink cry of economy, reform, and noninterference with &reign stiMilk---[Critte te" No, no! "Peate,Retrenchment, and Reform' ”] —or, " retrenchment, reform, tied nonintervention "; for peace was nonintervention, and nonintervention was peace. With regard to Sir Henry Bulwer, Mr. Bankes bad not made allusion to him as he considered he needed no vindication. He could not find that at any

Sir Henry had exceeded or departed from his instructions. Mr. Bankes con uded his speech with a request for infortnation—whether any cause had been assigned by Spain for dismissing Sir Henry Bulwer, beyond those causes apparent in the papers laid before the House? whether Sir Henry's conduct had met with the en- tire approbation of the whole of the British Cabinet ? what extent of right to in- terfere with the Spanish Government was claimed by this country in return for benefits conferred ? whether it was really meant, as it seemed to be in the despatth of the 20th April, that England had placed the Queen of Spain on her throne, not from conviction of her superior right and claim, but from sympathy with her prin_ ciples ? and whether any instructions had been given by Lord Palmerston of date subsequent to the 20th April? Mr. SHBIL, in a rapid retrospect, noted the general history of our inter- vention in the affairs of Spain in 1834. That intervenCon was brought about by the Marquis de Miraflores only after the most inoessant prayers and urgent, representations; the first engagetent to embark in it was followed by signal and inunediate results in favour of Queen Isa_ belle; and to its prosecution with all naval, military, and Motel forte, had without doubt been owing that Don Catlos was not now Xing or Spain. (Loud cries of assent from boa sides of the House.) Mr. Shell Tailed to mind that Sir Henry Bulwer had first been appointed Minister at Madrid by Lord Aberdeen, with whom he had no political connexion on the sole ground bf high diplomatic services and talents.

T ' he notion that Lord Aberdeen had never interfered in the affairs of Spain is a common dror: he had once done so in a manner that reflected the greatest honour on him. On learning, from Sir Henry Biilwer, of a scheme tb plight the rung Queen secretly, and to announce the fact to the Cortes after it should be irrevocable, Lord Aberdeen instructed Sir Henry to protest to General Narvaez against this scheme, on the double ground of its danger to the throne of Queen Isabella and to the peace of Europe. That direct interference in the internal affairs of Spain, to prevent the practice of a fraud upon the Cortes, far more than justified Lord Palmerston's late interference to prevent the abolition of that Cortes and the sweeping away of every remaining vestige of freedom.

In 1846, Lord Palmerston sent a despatch deprecating illegal and unconstitu- tional coursea in Spain; but he guarded Ids Ambassador against the expression Of such sentiments in any way that might in the least create or encourage dis- content But what was the :situation in 1846 as compared with that of 1848? There was then no revolution imminent in Spain; there had then been no throne overturned in France. The dynasty of the Orleans family was unshaken, and promised to endure. But in 1848 occurred those great events to which history will look with amazement back. Warned by Sir Henry Bnlwer that a revolution in Madrid was at hand,—that the Carlist standard was ready to unfurl, and light afresh the flame of civil war in Spain, perhaps of a general war through Europe,—Lord Palmerston wrote the despatch which had been so commented on, but which was no stronger in its sentiments than that one already alluded to from the pen of Lord Aberdeen. How had Sir Henry acted on receiving that note? He presented it As the last expedient and re.source, only after twenty days of fruitless representations urged in the same sense with its advice. The Spanish Government was then anticipating a Chartist revolution in this country; and, forgetting the services conferred on their country—rather re- senting the obligations they had been put under—they thought tho juncture was arrived for putting contumely and humiliation upon Sir Henry Bulwer. But it would be strange indeed if lus countiy, which had full power to revenge an insult, could not afford to despise it: the ingrates who had aimed the contumely had but brought deep degradation upon themselves. From the first imputation upon his conduct down to the letter which expelled him from Spain, no means had been left untried to stab and ruin his character: he was told that his life was unsafe in Madrid, and that he was abandoned there, and his acts repudiated by his own Go- vernment. But, exclaimed Mr. Shell, he has not been abandoned here. (Loud cheers.) He has not been abandoned by the British Parliament; he has not been abandoned by the noble Lord who is at the head of the department with which he is connected. (Cheers.) Never,' said the Duke of Wellington, with the moral elevation that constantly belongs to him, 'never will I give up the man who has acted under me to the best of his judgment.' In the sentiment of the gallant soldier the generous civilian has acted, and will act. My noble friend did approve, does approve of all that Sir Henry Btilwer did; and I am convinced he would rather fling office to the winds than desert him." (Loud cheers.) Mr. Shen ended with this personal tribute to Lord Palmerston's merits—" My noble friend has been the object of fierce and continuous invective. Nor is this the first time. Sinee I have been in Parliament, many and many a time I have seen the noble Lord assailed with derision and aspersed with suspicions; but when the noble Lord has had an opportunity of defending himself—an opportunity of coming down to this great tribunal, where the public men of England appear be- fore the gentlemen of England upon their trial—then the noble Lord has invariably shone • and he has invariably proved that he has been animated by a love of his country and a love of freedom. His vindication consequently has been td- umphantly victorious; and I have seen him sit down amidst the acclamations of all who have heard him. As it was then so it will be now. The majority of the Members of this House feel that. ("Oh, oh!" and cheers) I admit there may be exceptions; but I am convinced that a majority of the Members of this House will feel that this is not the time for the indulgence of mere party interests; that this great crisis in the destiny of the world is one in which no rash experiments ought to be made with public men. Nay, more—many may think my noble friend is not incapable of error or practical mistakes; but I tell you, take him for all in all—(Laughter)—he has the qualifications necessary for the encounter of great emergencies; and that he will not be found wanting when sagacity is needed, or when indomitable courage is required." (Cheers.) Lord Mallon, desiring to speak with high respect for Lord Palmerston, and modestly deprecating the judgment of the House, ventured to state his opinions and doubts. After the sacrifices we had made for Spain, we could not be held intruders for offering advice to that Government, in suitable terms. Surely, however, it was going beyond the usual line in such cases, to recommend not only the measure to be pursued but the men to be employed. If Lord Palmerston's despatch vras meant to be, as it was marked, "confidential," how had the subsequent exposure of it been approved? But the most important point was the present relations of the two Governments: on that point the House must necessarily be as yet unin- formed; the discussion of the matter, therefore, was premature, and the motion before it would have been better postponed till all the papers could be presented and a real opinion based upon them. In the absence of full means of judging, he thought that the outrage and provocation that had been put on England bore no proportion to the grounds on which it had been inflicted. This country in 1717 acted by the Swedish Minister, Count Gyllemborg, in the way now used against Sir Henry Bulwer; but we gave strong proofs to Sweden that her Minister had platted for the Pretender against the Government he was accredited to. If a dueler's, strong case should now be established against our Minister, assuredly no party attachments would procure a vote of protection for him from the House. vrehant further information, Lord Mahon could not concur in a vote of censure. I,erd Joint RUSSELL could not refrain from rising immediately to give Lord Mahon information on doubts so candidly and becomingly expressed.

The communication of the 16th March was not in the usual form of a despatch

ded to be laid in a note before a Foreign Government: it was written in the fon,n which is intended for the information of the Minister. At the same time, that Minister, who had been chosen for his eminent abilities and was fully so- maidad with the state of Spain, was one in whom the country might wisely re- ;ese confidence. Sir HenryBulwer had evidently received the note as a despatch for his own guidance. It was only when an extraordinary juncture arose, justi- fying extraordinary measures—when it appeared that the partisans of Don Car- los, or of a Republic, were on the eve of a successful revolution—that Sir Henry had given in a despatch, written in shorter and more abrupt terms than would be used in a note prepared for the eye of a Foreign Government. Sir Henry Bulwer's conduct had been considered by the Government at home; and it was their opinion that he had acted properly, and deserved commendation for the mode is which he had done his duty. Lord John continued—" And I think, Sir, it would have been a bad 00[11136 indeed, if taking advantage of any technical point, having a person like Sir Henry Bulwer at Madrid, who had been there foe years, and who was well acquainted with that country, we had said to him, You were not instructed to give in that note to the Spanish Government, and therefore your conduct must be disapproved.' Sir, I think we should have been lowering the Government of this country if we had so acted; and that we were right in sharing the responsibility with Sir Henry Bulwer, or rather in taking upon ourselves the greater part of the responsibility; for the honourable gentleman who made the motion tonight is quite right in saying that, if censure there is to be, let that cen- sure fall upon the Government at home, and not upon the agent who followed their instructions abroad. We have therefore taken the greater share of that responsibility, and we are here to justify that conduct—to stand re- sponsible for it; to be acquitted if it shall please the House to acquit us, to be censured if it shall please the House to censure us; but at all events not denying or in any way evading that responsibility which properly be- longs to us. (Cheers.) It him been said that after such an affront, after such an act of discourtesy seldom suffered by any Minister as the despatch of the Secretary of State being returned, it was quite undignified of my noble friend not to fall into a great passion upon this subject, and to resent most deeply, and in very pompous terms, and perhaps with acts of an extreme nature, the in- dignity that had been put upon us. Why, Sir, I think that my noble friend took a mach better course in explaining that what was done was meant as a friendly warning; that it was not a matter for our partial interference, that it was a mat- ter for the Government of Spain to consider; that we had acted with the most friendly intentions, and that if she chose to be angry, we did not intend to be offended about the matter. (Cheers and laughter.) I remember once the late Lord Holland telling me a story of his going into a room where Lerd Archibald Hamilton was in company with another gentleman with whom he was not acquainted. He stated that Lord Archibald Hamilton went up to him with no little agitation, and said, This gentleman, whom I don't know, has said such things to me that I must either burst out laughing or knock him down.' Lord Holland replied, 'By all means, then, burst out laughing, and don't knock him down.' So I think it was in the case of my noble friend. He must either have taken this up as a great national quarrel, or have passed it by as a matter of no importance."

Lord John entirely differed from the opinion that we ought not to have re- minded Spain of her obligations; but thought that, whatever their opinion of our advice, the Spanish Ministers should have been too mindful of her obligations to us to make our advice a matter of reproach and taunt and puerile sarcasm. However, these had met their fair retort.

Lord John would not for an instant avoid a direct issue on the vote of censure before the House; yet he

He had beeneminently successful in COONNONIOOpie; and it was not certain but that chiefly to his efforts at Paris in 1840 Europe was indebted for the preserva- tion of general peace. Appointed by Lord Aberdeen to Madrid to carry out a new policy, under cucumstancee most difficult and responsible, he had developed his instructions with the greatest adroitness and success, and yet without pandering to any prurient-feelings of his superior in favour of a policy in Spain not in per- fect IMMO with the general political principles which he entertained. No public servant has shown more sagacity and penetration, and withal a more conciliatory temper, than Sir Henry Bulwer. It was of the utmost importance to show to Europe that party quarrels never prevented the Members of that House from perfectly appreciating the conduct of Englishmen engaged in the service of their country. (Cheers.) Mr. Disraeli, however, was willing to believe that the Qeeen's Ministers were not going to desert one of their best and most honest servante. (Cheers.) Ii say this," he continued, "notwithstanding the observations which the noble Lord has just addressed to the House, and who tells us that he and his col- leagues are prepared to take their share of the responsibility; and afterwards, ameliorating and enriching his phraseology, he assured us that her Majesty'e Mi- nisters are even prepared to take upon them the greater part of the responsibility. I can tell the noble Lord that her Majesty's Ministers must take upon themselves the whole responsibility." (Loud cheers.) Lord JOHN RusseLL--" I said so." (Great cheering.) Mr. DISRAEII—u I am willing to believe that the noble Lord—(" Oh, oh ")-- I am delighted to understand that that which the noble Lord said was totally dif- ferent to that which my ears at first led me to believe. I am perfectly ready to accept the expression of the noble Lord in that sense; but of this let me remind the House, I am not rising to defend ffir Henry Bulwer; because in the whole course of the debate, I am glad to say, notwithstanding the doubtful expression of the noble Lord, which he has since satisfactorily explained, Sir Henry Bulwer has not been attacked—I mean not by her Majesty's Government; but he has been outraged and insulted by the Government of Spain." (Loud cheers.)

Public opinion must also be injuriously affected when on a most legitimate and constitutional attempt to call attention to a grave national grievance, the noble Lord at the head of the Government coolly replied that negotiations are going on. That they are so is but to incur the danger of fresh insults

But another view was more serious. A friendly remonstrance is given by us, and creates offence: it produces a retort distinguished by some acerbity, not MI- distinguished by ability. What happened then? " A member of the British Go- vernment, in another place, takes the earliest opportunity to regret the conduct pursued by Sir Henry Bulwer. Why, that is the whole cause of the miserable incident that afterwards occurred. Deeply do I regret that a nobleman so dis- tinguished as Lord Lansdowne, so eminent for his knowledge, his experience, his

temper and tone in political affairs, and the large and enlightened views he takes upon all subjects, should have been the means of inflicting such a stigma upon a, British Minister. But suppose this statement had not been made by the Lord

President of the Council; suppose it had been made by an inferior Miniaterby one not in a position so eminent; it might then have been thought that the speaker

had been influenced by feelings not so amicable towards the noble Foreign Secre- tary as those by which Lord Lansdowne was no doubt actuated—the ciretun- stance might have been understood, and the result would not have been so. noxious. lint when one of our first public men—second to few in ability, second. to none in public character—comes forward in a place no eminent as the House of Lords, and declines to justify the conduct of a British Minister, who can doubt

that the persons who dared to hint dislike before would not hesitate afterwards to accomplish the foul outrage the House is now called upon to discuss ? We are told that it was the despatch of the noble Lord opposite that did all this mischief: Did the noble Lord mean it to be so? Did he know what he was writing? Wan, he so hurried by the agitated condition of Europe, with every capital in insur- rection and every nation in revolt, that he forgot to mention in a postscript that the despatch was not to be shown ? No; it was not the despatch of the no- ble Lord that did this mischief, it was the speech of the noble Marquis in another place. AU the despatches that were ever written might easily have been obeyed— . might easily have been managed; their ill effects might have been removed by a diplomatist of the tried experience, and, above all, of the perfect temper which is the great characteristic—and one most important in a person occupying such a position—of Sir Henry Bulwer."

Mr. Disraeli criticized the despatch of the 16th March, and its grandiose style. It was extraordinary that a man of such experience in the House of Commons, where a man's style was prevented from being too stilted, should have written to his confidential agent such sesquipedalian sentences. But it was evidently prepared for show and not work; and its high Castilian was meant only for the eyes of the Duke of Valencia and Sotomayor--eonfidentially written to Sir Henry Bulwer to be confidentially communicated to them.

Mr. Disraeli then criticized with vivacity and effect the principles of that school of political Liberalism in foreign politics which be considered the more remote cause of the present occurrences. He ridiculed the universal assumption that England should identify herself with the growth of Liberal institutions in every foreign land; and condemned the system of perpetual interference which it obliged us to be pursuing. His objection to this Liberalism was, that it strove at the in- troduction of philosophical ideas instead of political principles into the practical business of life. Abroad we are ever weaving a-brotherhood with some small political faction who worship these ideas, and ever conducting our foreign re- lations on a system of abstract theories. Every despotism we invade with our theory: to every absolute state we are ever preaching in favour of a House of Lords, a House of Commons, and a treaty of commerce with Great Britain. Confusion never fails to follow at last, and our treaty of commerce is never se- cured. During twenty years Lord Palmerston has been forced by his school to introduce into foreign policy a sentimental alliance with France, in lieu of a political principle. No man could have done more for that principle: but it can- not be carried out to its extreme, for it is antagonistic to the plain political in- terests of our own country. In 1839 and 1840 matters came to a crisis, and the whole of our interests in the East bad to be reformed. Recurring to practical principles, the noble Lord extricated himself from the blunders of preceding years, and threw overboard the sentimental alliance. But then arose the mis- conception with France, which was the remote origin of the present situation. "Lu 1846, when the noble Lord was again called to power, what occurred? His intended colleagues entered into an intrigue—into a disgraceful cabal— to keep the noble Lord out of the Cabnet. I am now speaking of circiun- stances with which I am acquainted, and am not fleeting with rumours merely. His plea for this conduct was the noble Lord's meddling policy, which had lost them the convenient friendship of France; but which was never found meddling while the noble Lord was developing Liberalism for eight years, said sacrificing to his intriguing colleagues and his party the interests of this country. The noble Lord, however, found himself nearly the victim of as base an intrigue as ever ex- isted in this country. I believe I speak accurately when I say that the noble Lord was anxious, on taking power, to consider in every way, not only the in- terests of this country, but, if possible, to conduct public affairs with a good N11, derstanding with France. But bow could the noble Lord have influence in Eu- rope or with France, when his own colleagues did all they could to blacken his character in Europe? and when, on his accepting office, the remains of the late Cabinet went to the Court of the Tuileries and said, Yon see the position of Lord Palmerston; his own colleagues are against him: so all you have to do NI to cross him in every way, and he must fall'? That led, and that alone, to the un- happy difference between France and England."

"Our first duty, without any reference to any party whatever, is to express our sense of the gross and unprecedented outrage against the dignity of the 8o- vereign and the honour of the country. We have also to declare, in the most marked and decided manner, that we will not permit an eminent public servant to be made the scapegoat of a mischievous policy. We are to show, whatever may be the consequences of this vote, if the question should come to a vote, that it is not an attack upon an individual Minister, but upon the system which, from circumstances, he has been too often and too long forced to develop and tollow. Still less should such an attack be made when the individual Minister, in whom I acknowledge great talent and great historic achievements, has departed Irma his system said defended the honour of the country."

Sir ROBERT PEEL understood Lord John Russell's first statement 10 have been qualified in the way Mr. Disraeli supposed; but in subsequent explanation he had pursued the more manly course and assumed. the whole responsibility of Sir Henry Bulwer's acts. Sir Robert joined with preceding speakers in Sir Henry Bulwer's commendation.

"He was placed there not from any political connexion, but be was placed there because my noble friend thought that his past conduct in the profession which he had chosen entitled him to the favour and confidence of a Goverurnent from which he differed in political eentiroenta Sir, my noble friend thought, and thought most justly, that the diplomatic profession was not a profeesion winch should, be made subservient to the promotion of party feeling. My noble

friend thought that the diplomatic profession partook in some degree of the cha- racter of the naval or military profession; and that it would be unjust if a man, having entered into that profession, although politically connected with another party, yet proving himself worthy of the confidence of any party, was to be de- prived of that fair advancement to which his abilities entitled him, merely be- cause he differed in political opinion from the party in power. Sir, my noble friend, I believe, was blamed in some quarters for the profession of those senti- ments, and for acting upon them: but I am sure that the true way to encourage

i

diplomatic exertions s to show that no such difference of opinion will disentitle a man to the confidence of those who employ him; and to prove to those engaged in the diplomatic profession that if they serve their country faithfully and ho- nestly they will not lose the prospect of reward because they entertain different political sentiments to the party in power."

In regard to Lord Palmerston's share of the occurrences, Sir Robert did not object to what he had done so much as to his manner of doing. It would have been wiser under all circumstances to have held different language—as, of course, the

object was that the advice should be cordially received. The first letter had a certain abruptness; but Sir Robert did not an much condemn that letter as the

second. Lord John Russell had quoted an illustration in vindication of this let-

ter, which Sir Robert had not thought very germane to the matter. "The noble Lord says that Lord Holland told him that Lord Archibald Hamilton was dining

at Holland House, and he was shown into a room where there was another gen- tleman, with whom he was not acquainted; that that gentleman held to him very offensive language; and that Lord Archibald Hamilton, when Lord Holland en- tered the room, said, This person, who is a total stranger to me, has used offen- sive language to me—so offensive, indeed, that the alternative I have is either to laugh at him or knock him down.' Well, it was very well to do one or other of these things; but the noble Lord has done both. He first laughs at the gentle- man who offered the offence, and then knocks him down. Now, suppose Lord Archibald Hamilton had taken that course—suppose that, being offended, he

had first of all laughed, and supposing after having laughed he had addressed

him in the longest sentence that was ever written in the English Ian- ge--supposing, before Lord Holland entered, Lord Archibald Hamilton, being grossly offended, and being determined to adopt the milder alternative named, had received the offence with indifference, and even smiled at it—then

supposing he had gone on to make a speech to this gentleman, longer than some sermons, and had ended by saying to him, If it had not been for me, you would

have been a beggar in the streets,'—why, Lord Holland could not have admired Lord Archibald Hamilton for having wisely chosen the milder of the two alterna- tives, because Lord Archibald Hamilton would have justly forfeited that character for discretion which Lord Holland appears willing to have assigned him. I look at the sentence of the noble Lord, in which he declares that he is not iu the slight- est degree offended, and then he proceeds to administer twenty-nine consecutive lines of rebuke, in so impassioned a strain as not to stop to take breath during the whole of that sentence. Now, I think the noble Lord—begging his pardon—is More like Sir Fretful Plagiary than Lord Archibald Hamilton: because he says,

'I am not in the least degree offended': and then at once, by way of showing his perfect indifference, he proceeds to abuse his unfortunate opponent without mercy, as I said before, in twenty-nine lines of consecutive rebuke. He goes into a pain- ful remonstrance with these Dukes and distinguished Generals, and says, 'If it had not been for me and my Liberal policy, at this moment you would bare been exiles in a foreign land.' As I said before, the mode of doing the thing was un- gracious, and it is with that part of the transaction that I have most reason to be dissatisfied."

To the particular motion before the House Sir Robert saw several objections. He knew of no proposed advice but what had in fact been accepted: the Spanish

objections were not to the advice, which had been taken in most friendly spirit

when offered in a conciliatory manner, but to the manner. The proposed interference had not then been rejected, and could not have caused the pre-

sent rupture. If there had been error in the manner of the negotiations, the grave censure of the resolution was far Out of proportion to the fault. But moreover, the matter was still pending: the fitting reply to what seemed to

have been a great outrage had not yet been _determined. For these reasons, he should not vote for the motion, but testify a qualified disapprobation of it, by a vote for going into Committee of Supply, instead of affirming the resolution proposed.

Lord PALMERSTON reviewed the whole of the incidents of the corre- spondence and its issue; insisting particularly on the fact that the first note was not written for the purpose of being conveyed in writing to the Spanish Minister, and yet approving expressly of Sir Henry Bulwer's use of it in the last resource after vain resort to every other expedient—

"1 have no hesitation in saying that I, and I alone, am responsible for an act of that kind, for the signifying of approbation communicated to an officer in the de- partment over which I preside; and if the House should be of opinion that that approbation was improperly conveyed, and that, instead of being approved, the

conduct of Sir Henry Bulwer ought to have been censured, it is upon me, and me alone that the censure of the House should fall. I think that no censure is due, as I think Sir Henry Bulwer acted to the best of his judgment, and that be exercised a proper discretion; and I think I was borne out in the approval con- tained in my despatch."

Lord Palmerston proceeded at considerable length to justify his intervention on the ground of explicit treaty stipulations, and not on the ground of gratitude for

obligations conferred: were it not so, one might be bound hand and foot to main- tain a pure despotism in that country against constitutional rule. With respect to later stages of the transaction, egotiations are still going on: till they are finished he would defer farther explanations on points connected with them. Mr. Isiumn spoke shortly against the motion; Mr. URQUHART, amidst loud interruptions, in its support. Mr. BANKEs stated in reply, that he

would not press for a division. The question, therefore, was simply put and negatived.

WEST INDIAN IMMIGRATION.

In the House of Lords, on Tuesday, Earl GREY moved the second read- ing of the Tobago Relief and Immigration, &c. Bill.

The bill was to enable the raising of 170,0001. for payment of expenses already incurred in promoting free immigration to the West Indies from India. No fur- ther measures of the kind were proposed. The experience of two preceding Co- lonial Secretaries showed that Coolie immigration from India was too expensive to confer benefit on the West Indies: the only profitable source of free labour must be Africa.

Lord BROUGHAM could not let the part of the bill pass unopposed which referred to the immigration from Africa: but as the bill was a money bill, it could not be amended by the Peers—the House could only accept it altogether or reject it altogether: he should not oppose that part which accorded relief to Tobago; but he could not let the subject of free immi- gration be mentioned without entering his protest against the whole of that plan. He characterized the unfortunate succession of changes which the West India islands have suffered by. First, in order to make a nursery of seamen, we in- /Voted the slave-trade on them. Then, in order to remedy the evils of that abominable traffic, we passed emancipation; a measure of the soundest policy, but one which he confessed Mid not been carried into effect with due deliberation, and had certainly in some degree been unsuccessful. Last of all came free trade; to the pedantic, excessive, and inconsiderate extension of the principle of which, the Colonies were a third time made sneering victims. By all these changes, the Colonies had suffered, and only the cossumera here at home benefited. He wee satisfied the free trade experiment would end in making sugar dear instead oe cheap; and the country deserved such a result for its iniquitous encouragement of slave produce. As to immigration from Africa, he felt sure no possible checks or restriction' could prevent it from becoming a revived slave-trade; the Negroes being captured in the interior, and exported as free labourers from the coast. Earl GREY replied, that tinder existing regulations there could neither be a purchase of a Negro made on the African coast, nor a slave treatment practised in the West Indian islands. Indeed, the planters might now almost be called the slaves; for the N were practically the masters. The price of labour is now so extravagantly high as to render cultivation nearly impossible. A number of Kroomen have returned to Africa with amassed savings which between them all amount to several thou- sand pounds. Such intercourse would be beneficial alike to the West Indies and to the civilization of Africa, and would be promoted by the present bill.

The bill went through Committee.

EMIGRATION: RAGGED SCHOOLS.

In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, Lord ASHLEY brought undet the attention of the House of Commons the state of the juvenile popota_ tion of London, in support of a motion on the expediency of providing the means of voluntary emigration to some one of our colonies of a certain number of young persons taken from the Ragged Schools of the Metropolis. The most casual passenger through London must have noticed the existence of a large mass of filthy, sickly children, sitting at all hours of the day at the en- trances of courts, perfectly idle or engaged in occupations of no possible use to themselves or to society. If the observer followed up the history of the condition of this social section, he most shortly conclude that there is absolute necessity for the immediate application of remedies to a most distressing and unhappy state of things. Humanity, justice, and—considering the temper of the times we now live in—even a regard to the safety of society, call alike for serious attention and action. The measures Lord Ashley proposed had not even his own perfect con- fidence; and if any one else would improve on them he would gladly receive assistance.

Recent inquiries chiefly conducted through machinery worked by the self- denying and devoted Sunday-school teachers, taught us that the young persons of whom he was speaking were a distinct and separate class, having habits and callings, localities and modes of life, peculiarly their own; and it was most pro- bable that their numbers were as great as 30,000. Lord Ashley poured out before the House an immense quantity of facts, grouped statistically or in dramatic detail, concerning the habits and pursuits— the natural history, as he called it—of the class for whom he spoke. He com- menced with 2,345 names on the books of fifteen particular Ragged Schools; the average attendance in which was about 1,600. Of these, 162 had often been in prison; 253 lived chiefly by begging; 216 had neither shoes nor stockings; 280 no cap, hat, or bonnet; 101 no scrap of body linen; 249 had no recollection of having ever slept in a bed; 68 were children of convicts, 125 of stepmothers, 306 or- phans. The average attendance on the schools was some 4,000: the proportions above, if applied to this number, gave 660 who lived by begging, 178 children of convicts, and 800 orphans. Glancing at their occupations as street-sweepers, match-sellers, holders of horses, and agents of dealers in marine stores—in other words, boys on the staff of receivers of stolen goods—he indicated the mode in which they passed their nights—under bridges, viaducts, door-ways, in saw-pits, lime-kilns, and empty vehicles, in the open air, on the bare earth. One, with whom Lord Ashley had spoken personally, slept through the inclement winter of last year in the great Iron roller in the Regent's Park: this boy had a friend, another boy who was even worse, off than himself:- and to this Boy he went one day, and said,," Corns. along wittrine, and I'll let you into a good thing": he brought his friend to the iron roller, and the two boys slept there together for the

remainder of the winter. •

Lord 'Ashley described the sinks of iniquity passing by the name of lodging- houses, and their filthy abomination. In the parlour' of one, measuring 18 feet by 10, were shavings made up for no less than 27 male and female adults, and 31 children, who slept promiscuously each night—with several dogs in addi- tion. There were vermin by myriads falling from the ceiling on any one who en- tered; and every sort of filthy disease abounded and was propagated. One in- mate had been so tormented by the itch, as to run out, take a stone, and await under a lamp-post till a policeman passed, in whose sight he broke the lamp- glees in order to be taken to prison, and have there a forced and thorough cleans- ing. Such places were naturally the hotbeds of crime; as appeared alike by the evidence of the Metropolitan teachers and by Magistrates in the rural districts before whom offenders came on detection of offence. He gave details respecting the sanatory condition of several localities abounding in an unreclaimed juvenile population; and showed that vice and crime were necessarily consequent on the existence of filth and physical privations. Intemperance is a forced vice where it is not voluntary. The medical men show that singular physical peculiarities are induced by the exceptional circumstances of such a life. The Reverend Mr. Champneys, of Whitechapel—one of the best men and most excellent clergymen in the kletropolis--declares that the mode of life of some of these children has in instances he knows induced a condition of body that incapacitated from active la- borious employment. Again, a noble friend, one of the Lords of the Admiralty, had agreed to send to sea five of these boys, selected from one of the Ragged Schools; but in the twinkling of an eye they were rejected by the surgeon and sent away, in consequence of physical incapacity, although, as be had said before, they had been picked out of a large number. After, however, they had been in the school for a certain time, the contrary was found to be the case: tbat is, after they had been fed and taken care of and clothed, the physical nature of the children became changed, and they became strong and capable of work. There were large numbers of childreu in these Ragged Schools most capable of work if it could be presented to them. We give from Lord Ashley's materials a singular document prepared last year by a City missionary, who keeps his house open at all times to all corners seeking

his advice-

" From June to December, he received 2,343 visits, averaging 334 per month. Of these, under ten years of age, 2 percent; under twelve, 9 per cent ; above twelve and under fifteen, 44 per cent ; above fifteen and under eighteen, 36 per cent ; above eigh- teen and miner twenty-two, 8 per cent. Of these, 39 per cent voluntarily acknowledged they had been In prison-11 had been in once, 4 twice, 5 three times, 2 four times, 1 six times, 3 seven times, 1 eight times, 2 ten times, 10 uncertain as to number of Dotes. The cause of this state of things was total neglect in early life; desertion or bad example of parents; necessity; trained to steal ; want of all domestic discipline idleness ; examples all around—causes that have ruined parents; not a little to sanatell condition."

Stating that,there were thousands who never ate any day till they had stolen their :heal, lie gave some criminal statistics drawn up with scrupulous care from the returns of the Police Courts— Take,, into custody (1847), 62,181 : 20,702 females, 41,479 males. Of these under twenty years of age, 15,698 ; between ten and fifteen, 3.682; under ten years, 362. Of the whole mass of 62,181—neither read nor write, 22,075; read only, or read and a rite imperfectly, 35,227; no trade or occupation, 28,113."

" these heat 28,113 were in point of fact vagabonds living by their wi 12 la ts, in no

situation of life where they could work 'honestly for their living. If any 00 of them were anxious to get employment, who would employ him? It Might be depe▪ nded on that these 28,000 persons in this age were ten times more dangerous than they would have been in former ages. He besought the House to act in the direction of overthrowing such a system. It should not be forgotten that the visible defects were probably of less magnitude and seriousness than the concealed; for the mass of the 30,000 ragged children of whom he spoke had no knowledge of right or wrong except through their fear of punishment. Lord Ashley called attention to the way in which alone it had been found pos- sible to deal with this singular population, through the machinery of Ragged schools; and referred to extraordinary scenes and incidents occurring on their commencement. The attendance was perfectly voluntary; and at first there was 3243 sort of subordination in the scholars. Whistling, gymnastic competitions, Bening, and breaking of all the teaching-apparatus, proceeded for weeks, in some cases, before a moral rule based on the personal ascendancy of the teacher was established. At one school in Lambeth—well known to Mr. Hawes—twenty-four boys entered the school-room smoking tobacco-pipes, and amused themselves for a good period by mocking the teacher. One gentleman, on being ridiculed into a momentary impatience, shook a pull: a few days after, the pupil ran between Isis legs in the street, with malicious dexterity threw him on hie back with his legs in the air, and then stood quietly by. The gentleman vowed it was an acci- dent, and so preserved his school; which would have been broken up if he had punished the boy. The boy himself was now a diligent and orderly attendant.

Sometimes the police had been called upon to preserve order. One instance had come under his knowledge of a policeman having been called upon in this way, who, having more than usual philanthropy and love of learning, offered his services as a tanker; and he made himself so popular with his pupils that they appeared like the happy family in Trafalgar Square, and the boys bestowed upon him the title of "King of the Peelers."

Lord Ashley thought he had shown that the elements to be dealt with were most peculiar: therefore peculiar agencies and methods were required. He had beard of various propositions, but no one secured his entire approval. A system of schools on the National School principle included the vexata quiestio of what sort of religions instruction should be given: grants from the Education Board would be impracticable' from the impossibility of adequate inspection: the " Hos- pitafplan " of great barracks in the principal centres had been found injurious in its effects on fall trial to a great extent in Scotland. A peculiar detect in the barrack plan was its incompatibility with the influences of "home dis- cipline." Lord Ashley of his own knowledge was acquainted with many re- markable instances of reclamations of relations and families, and improvement to considerable localities, through the influence of reformed juvenile pupils of Ragged Schools. The assistance of such influences was invaluable, and should be espe- cially.had in view in any measures of improvement. He gave particulars of the organization of the Metropolitan system of Ragged Schools. They are superin- tended alike by members of the Church of England and by Dissenters. The local committees are under a central one; which, however, imposes no local rules, but merely puts localities in communication, and subserves to the convenient collec- tion and allocation of funds. The Bible is taught in its entirety, and in some in- stances devotional books also are used. These matters are decided at the fort- nightly meetings of the Central Committee; which takes all possible care not to interfere with or damp the zeal or counteract the desires of committees of locali- ties; for the small tradespeople of each neighbourhood are the main supports of filch centre of action.

Lord Ashley's proposition was, that from these schools some 500 boys and 500

trio should be taken yearly, and sent at the public cost to South Australia. Mr. HAvvES--" Why to South Australia?"] Lord Ashley only mentioned booth Australia because it happened that at present the greatest dearth of labour was there; but he should not quarrel on the point of the particular colony. He purposed that the emigration-passage should be held out to the scholars as a sort of prize for good conduct and exertion: he was confident that a large benefit to the population of the whole country would result through the machinery of the schools. At present these children are like lawless tribes of uncivilized beings, owning no obligations and having no Jtopca......ZJe prospect of reward would set them on to exertion; and they would acquire knowledge, principles, and Arsine for crime—a sensation of which they were quite unconscious before. Trained from their earlier years to live by their wits, they now thought the whole world their enemies. If the police caught them, they thought the cause of their capture was ' merely that they were not as cunning as the policeman, or could not ran as fast. They were not aisg-raced by being sent to prison. At the outset of one of the Ragged Schools, a boy sometimes suddenly disappeared: no more was heard of him, until at the end of three weeks he reappeared and took his seat in the school again, exactly on the very spot he had previously occupied. The teacher would come to him, and probably say, "Well, my boy, you are here again." "Yes, Sir," would be the reply, "yes, Sir; very sorry couldn't come sooner, but have been three weeks in Bridewell since." They had no sense of shame at such a decla- ration. They only thought imprisonment a gross oppression. But in the schools better things are learnt, and a new moral nature acquired. They learn their own degradation; are taught the dignity they might aspire to as men and Chris- tians; and they grasp eagerly at the opportunity of elevation. Lord Ashley purposed that each child sent out should be at least fourteen years of age. He gave a scheme of colonial occupation for the newly.-arrived emi- grant. "From a statement given by a gentleman who has resided in the colony, it appeared that for every 1,000 sheep three persons at least are required; the wages given to whom are 201. a year, together with weekly rations of 10 pounds of beef, 12 pounds of flour, 2 pounds of sugar,* pound of tea, and a house. Thus, on a station of 5,000 sheep, there would be fifteen men and boys required. Sup- posing the number of farm stations to be 4,000, and the number of servants in the bash 12,000, it would give at each station but three—not one half of what was required; so that three sent to each station would absorb at once 12,000. But, by sending 1,000 each year, it would be supplying only one to each station every four years. But how would they dispose of the women? Much more easily, because they were far more wanted. The same gentleman from whom he had his previous information informed him, that when he was quitting the colony one young woman who had gone out was just landing, and there were no fewer than five gentlemen trying to engage her. She held out, finding the demand ao strong, and at length obtained SQL a year from one of them to go as lady's maid. Now, many of the girls who stand at corners of the streets, vending lucifer- matches and such small wares, are upwards of sixteen, seventeen, and eighteen years of age. Many of them go to the Ragged Schools for instruction; and they would be invaluable as wives in the colony. The demand, as his informant stated, for female domestic servants, is very great; but when they are above sixteen years of age the demand for them as wives is still greater. How, then, can we hesitate to believe that if 20,000 of those destitute woman were sent out to the colony it would be of the greatest advantage to the physical and moral condition of the colonists ? "

It was a result of the proportional statistics already given, that out of 27,000 children from the Ragged Schools, 1,700 should have been often in prison; 1,600 have lost their parents. In a financial point of view, his preposition would be a measure of economy. Mr. Smith, Governor of the Prison in Edinburgh, states that 51. a year will support a boy in an industrial class of a Ragged School, while from 11L to 17/. would be the charge of maintaining him in prison. In fact, nearly 1,000,0001. is yearly spent in means for the repression of crime, which would have been obviated by moral training to the offenders in their youth. In conclusion, Lord Ashley eloquently enlarged on the benefits to both the Mo ther-country and the Colonies which he pictured as results of his scheme of juve- nile emigration. "These children would bless alike the land of their birth and the land of their adoption. The males, recovered from the first contamination of vice, would rejoice in the fruits of honest labour; and the females, not recovered, but altogether saved, thank God I would become virtuous and industrious wives and mothers, and yield hereafter the harvest of a prosperous and wise, an united and an understanding people."

Sir GEoRate GREY gave a hearty and warm concurrence to Lord Ash- ley's praises of Ragged Schools, but would defer the subject for the present.

Sir George confirmed in detail, from peculiar sources of information, the accuracy of Lord Ashley's picture of young life in the lower social grades of London. Be had no objection to the principle that Government assistance should be given in sending to the Colonies children taken and reclaimed from crime, and made use- ful and good. But, conceding so much of principle he hoped the resolution before

the House would be withdrawn, till the way onward were more clearly seen and a detailed plan matured. He had already conferred on the plan with the Colonial

Secretary, and found him strongly impressed in its favour and practicability. Every facility should be given by emigration-agents, and even by the assistacce of whatever sums Government could give towards such a purpose. The proposed benefits might, indeed, not be sought only in the Metropolis, but also in the great towns of the provinces and in Scotland, so as to embrace all in the general prin- ciple. Sir George would do everything in his power to carry out the principle of the views Lord Ashley had expressed.

Mr. HAwE8 echoed these assurances.

The propositions of Lord Ashley were considered thoroughly practicable; and "before long, he trusted, Government might be able to carry them into effect." The sum of 10,0001. would be voted for free emigration; and he hoped a small portion of that sum would be applicable as a slight stimulus to the plan. Emi- gration was resuming a steady flow. Last year 270,000 persons went out from this country, and ships were now taking them out under the direction of the Emigration Commissioners at the rate of 80 a month.

In reply to Lord Misaosr, Mr. Limas stated that the sum of 10,0001. he had mentioned would be asked to promote emigration to Van Diemen's Land and to the Australian Colonies.

Mr. MONCKTON MILNES observed, that a more solemn or important question than the present bad never been brought before the House.

From the thin attendance of Members, he feared there existed great apathy to be stimulated and difficulties to overcome. The facts enlarged on by Lord Ash-

ley constitute the main evils that lie at the very bottom of society. No effective answer to his statement had been made; and it was not enough for Government to profess their readiness to do the best by the ordinary means and processes at their command. Peculiar efforts were demanded, or vast mischief to the country

might grow up. with the growing population. He warned the House of the vital importance of infusing a patriotic spirit into the minds of the people, so that they

might feel a generous interest in the affairs and destiny of the country; other- wise the kind of education going on would create a dangerous element of sympa- thy between the spirit of Democracy growing up in England and that now pervad- ing the populations of Europe. The Government did little for the poor. Grand streets were formed in the Metropolis, and provision was made for luxurious shops and pompous buildings: but no thought had been taken to improve the dwellings and take comfort to the hearths of the wretched inhabitants of the garrets and cellars of the close-pent courts of the Metropolis. The public baths were an ac- cident; the erection of the model lodging-houses had been by a chance; it was by chance too that one member of the aristocracy had been found whose whole heart and mind were occupied in promoting such schemes. Great dangers impended; and the Government ought to look at the question in its totality, and be ready to demand of the country the sacrifices which the magnitude and gravity of the case required. Lord Ashley's motion was seconded by Sir HARRY VERNEY, and re- ceived warm support from all parts of the House. The speakers in its fa-

vour were Colonel CoNOLLY, Mr. HORSHANt Mr. SCOTT Mr. SLANEY, Mr.

VERNON SMITH, Sir THOMAS ACLAND, MAliON, Sir EDWARD

BUXTON, Mr. WESTHEAD and Mr. Annanuty. Mr. Adderley, called at- tention to a large society-in-the-rOlieff districts, originally formed for Chartist agitation, but lately reorganized with sole reference to mutual in- struction by its members on matters relating to emigration.

In reply, Lord ASHLEY explained, that if his plan be adopted in regard to the Metropolitan population the thin edge of the wedge will have been introduced: the whole wedge should at last follow.

So much concurrence with his plan had been shown, that to ask a division on the resolution would look like hostility to the Government. He would therefore withdraw his motion; but he would watch the Government with jealous care, and take the liberty occasionally to jog their memories both in and out of the House.

NAVIGATION-LAWS.

The adjourned debate on Mr. Herries'a. resolution [for maintaining the "fundamental principle" while modifying the Navigation-laws, moved as an amendment on the order to go into Committee] was resumed on Thurs- day—against repeal of the laws, by Sir Jonw WALSH, Mr. MILES, and Sir CHARLES BURRELL,. in favour of going into Committee, by Mr. WORE- GOR, Sir GEORGE CLERK, Mr. CARDWELL, and Sir CHARLES WOOD. The speeches were generally intelligent and apposite; Sir George Clerk's especially was a careful and judicious resume of several arguments in fa- vour of repeal, applied controversially to the arguments of various speak- ers. But the matter was in no case new, and was valuable chiefly as it appeared in the progress of debate. Two of the speeches merit somewhat more particular notice for their more specific and practical application to the measure before the House.

Mr. CARDwELL objected to the measure for not relaxing the law in favour of reciprocity treaties, rather than abrogating those treaties; and lie noticed particu- lar imperfections. Restrictions as to the manning of ships are to be retained against the English shipowner, although those with whom he will have to compete' are exempt. The British shipowner will be free to purchase ships where he can obtain the cheapest; and yet the duty is retained on the timber used by the British shipbuilder,—the only instance in the tariff of a duty on raw material. Mr. Labouchere hoped to avoid creating alarm by exempting the coasting trade from the operation of the measure: but he has not avoided alarm; and he might have used relaxations in that law to obtain reciprocal relaxations from the United States. On the whole, however, Mr. Cardwell thought that the time is come for a judicious relaxation of the Navigation-laws; and he regarded it as a libel on the British name to say that we are not qualified to compete with every nation in the world.

Sir CHARLES WOOD noticed the all but universal concurrence in favour of some change in the Navigation-laws: every speaker but two had admitted the ne- cessity. Sir Charles showed the difficulty of proceeding by the exceptional mode of reciprocity treaties. By general measures, our Colonies benefit. Sir Robert Peel's experience of relaxing the Sugar-duties to particular countries was instruct tive: it failed because we are hampered and bound by treaties with other powers, especially under the "meat favoured nation" clause; so that it is difficult to carry out views with respect to any single country. Sir Charles stated several instances of similar anomalies, one of which was gm over by declaring a port in Turkey to be a port in Austria. Late at night, Mr. Manama moved the further adjournment of the de- bate. Lord Joan RUSSELL agreed, as several gentlemen had left the

House on the faith of an adjournment; but threatened that if the disous- onssion were not closed on Friday, it must be continued on Monday, with- out regard to the Whitsun holydays. Adjourned accordingly.

SITES FOR THE FREE CHURCH IN SCOTLAKD.

On the motion for going into Committee on the Places of 1Vorship Sites (Scotland) till, on Wednesday, Mr.13aueas Coonnarts moved as an tunendment, that the House consider it in Committee on that day six months.

He strongly censured the Free Church secession; ascribing it solely to the ambition of Dr. Candlish and Dr. Chalmers to -regulate the whole patronage of the Church. He quoted artielee of the Witnees--- the Free Church organ," and declared that Mr. Mitchel in -Ireland had not issued anything more mischievous or Republieen in tendency.

Mr. Fox MAULE vindicated the memory of Dr. Chalmers; corrected Mr. Coohrane's statements of the statistics of the Free Charch movement; and assured him that the ;Witness was no organ of that body. He sup- ported the measure as a cure of a rankling grievance that affected a large part of the Scottish population. Lord Danateariaro—a deplorer of the Free Church schism—gave his vote for the measure, not for the sake of the Free Church, but of Christianity. Sir 11.MES GRAHAM added his admiring tribute to the great and good :Dr. Chalmers; but opposed the bill.

No matter in his political life had given him more anxiety, if not misgiving, than his own part in the occurrences which led to the Free Church rupture. He aid not dissemble that one-third of the entire Scottish population were members of that church. Still it could not be treated as a national establishment If so, -the bill could not be claimed but on general grounds that every congregation in , the whole empire might equally urge. But the practical effect of a general mea- sure would be boundless confusion and discontent and infraction of the rights of ,preperty.. Every congregation of every sect—and sometimes half a score might i be found n one small parish—would be able to select and demand land for sites and burying-grounds, to the extent of about three acres. The cases of hardship were but few, and might each be perfectly well remedied by a particular

Mr. Cochrane's amendment was seconded by Mr. HOME DRUMMOND, and supported by Mr. OSWALD, Mr. SCOTT, Mr. SPOONER, and Mr. MAC- KENZIE. The other speakers in favour of going into Committee were /dr. 1101SOKTON MILERS, Mr. Home, and Sir GEOROE GREY.

On a division, Mr. Cochrane's- amendment was negatived, by 84 to 59. The House went into Committee pro forma; the further consideration of • the bill luting adjourned to a future day. GAME-LAWS.

The report of the Committee on the "Game Certificates for Killing Hares-BiLl " was further considered in the House of Commons -on Wednes- day, on the motion of Mr. Coevita. Various amendments were pro- posed, •'with more or less success. Mr. COLYILE moved the omission of the vrerds•introduced by Mr. Grantley Berkeley forbidding the-use of the grin-in-the killing of hares, which the bill permitted. Mr. GRANTLEY BERXELEY urged that the bill would be lost "in another place" if the amendment were carried. The amendment was supported by Mr. HENRY BERKELEY, who desired free trade in game • and by Mr. SHARMAN CRAW- FORD, as_anegation of the principle of an Arms Bill for English yeomen: opposed by Sir WILLIAM JOLIFFE, who feared to allow the use of the gun by night; and Mr. CHEISTOPLIER, who okjected to put arms at any time into the bands of shepherds and labourers. On.a division, the amendment Was carried, by 77 to 22.

Mr. Hotittx DRUMMOND then proposed to move that the bill be en- grossed that day six months.

In the course of-the game discussion, so many modes of death to a hare had been canvassed, that he was surprised not to have heard the advocacy of killing 'him by patting salt on his tail; and every interest had been represented except that of the-poacher,—who was no more, after all, than a poor sportsman. Drummond held the whole establishment of the Game-laws to have been an net of tyranny, and would get rid of them ,altogether: but he would alter the law of trespass.

Mr. Drummond was defeated, by 90 to I 1 : the bill to be read a -third time next day.

HORSHAM BOROUGH WRIT.

On Monday, Mr. GORING moved the issue of the suspended writ for Horaham. If the House ,centinued the suspension of this writ till Sir John Hanmer carried his bill, the borough was likely to remain a long time disfranchised.

Sir ROBERT PEEL dwelt on the evils of the present state of things.

The illegal acts of agents had in many instances lost, or placed in jeopardy, the seats of honourable men. Members who were quits uncognizant of acts of bribery participated in the discredit of such things. It was most desirable to apply some check, or an inferior class of persons would be returned as Members. Sir Robert therefore must vote for the future withholding of the suspended -writs, till the House should have inquired into the matter. But meanwhile the inquiry should go on; audit should be the imperative duty of the House to make other business subservient to that inquiry: for it would be dangerous to sanction the practice of snspending many writs. Sir Robert entreated the noble Lord at the head of the Government, to look upon this as a Government question—as a question which, if it were not of the very greatest importance, was at all events of such importance as to possess prior claims to ordinary business on their con- sideration. It was clearly so, because it involved the relations of that House with the constituency of the country. Lord Joule Rossnra. admitted the propriety of despatch, but could not see that this bill ought to take precedence over everything else whatever— for instance, over such pressing questions as whether the Navigation-laws should be considered in this or in a subsequent session; and whether the House ehould at once declare its intentions with regard to the West Indian Colonies, or postpone doing so till July. The writs had better be sus- pended in all cases of boroughs reported against by Committees.

The suspension of the writ was advocated by Mr. Home, Mr. Muterz, and MT. HERBERT; RS issue, by Mr. Dissiazu, Mr. STAFFORD, kr. AN- sTET,'MF. GOULBURN, and Mr. J. STUART. On a division, the motion for issuing the writ was negatived, by 231 to 117.

PARLIAMENTARY OATHS.

On Monday, in reply to Sir ROBERT Nous, Lord JOHN Rossini-1r, gave some explanations regarding a motion he had previously placed on the Notice-paper- He had discovered that it was not competent to him to introduce the bill "-on Parinuneutary. Oaths" under the notice which he had given, but that it was ne- cessary to go Into a Committee of the whole House on the subject. It was his intention to propose, on Tuesday the 27th instant, that the House should go into Committee of Use whole Howe for the purpose of considering the oaths taken by Members of the two Houses of Parliament. Be begged to remind the Homan- able Baronet, that in the year before last he stated—and he believed that he-re- peated the statement last year—that he was in doubt as to whether he should bring in a general bill with respect to the oaths taken by Members of both Houses of Parliament, or whether he should introduces bill limited to -the relief ofMeu bees of the Jewish persuasion. Be had tried the latter course; and the honour- able Baronet appeared to think that he had sustained a defeat; but Lord John did not think so, because he had been supported by a majority of that HOLM. Re now understood that some Members of the other House of Parliament entertained scruples with respect to the oaths which they were called upon to take, and par- ticularly as regarded the Oath of Supremacy, because they conceived that the .Pope had spiritual power in this realm. He therefore propced to make the oaths more simple, m order that all her Majesty's subjects_might be able to take than -and he would oak ripen the-House to rceolve itself into a Committee of the ithele House for the titupse of considering the subject, on the 27th instant. Answering further questions put by Sir ROBERT INGLIS, Lord John stated that the measure would apply to-ail naturalized subjects of this realm: he was not aware there were many .Mahomedans or Pagans naturalized in the realm.

POPULAR DISTURBANCES IN LONDON. In the House of Commons, on Mon- day, Sir GEORGE GREY stated, in answerto questions-put-by Mr. GEORGE THOMPSON, on the late riots, -that, acting on experience as to the nature of the public -meetings lately held in many parts of Eastern London, Govern- ment had directed the Police authorities -not to allow such meetings to assemble. .(General cheering throughout the House.) These meetings had already issued in several serious breaches of the peace, and had created great alarm in the minds of the peaceable inhabitants. The most effectual measures to prevent dis- turbance in future have been taken by.the Government. In the House of Lords, on the same day, the same subject Was brought under notice by Lord BROUGHAM; who was assured by Lord LANSDOWNE, that if the measures taken proved inadequate, the further assistance of Parliament would be asked.

On Thursday, Tar. GEORGE THOMPSON recurred to the subject; asking whether Sir George Grey had received information that outrages had been com- mitted by the Police on certain loyal and unoffending inhabitants of the Tower Hamlets. Sir GEORGE GREY made a statement in reply. He had received com- munications from eight or ten persons to that effect; but they contained no spe- cific charge, and no charge had been made-before the Magistrates. On the ether hand, he had received more than eighty communications--from-the acting Super- intendent of Police, from clergymen, tradesmen, and other respectable. inhabitants —testifying to the forbearing and temperate conduct of the police.

PROTECTION OF WOMEN. In the House of Lords, on Monday, the Bishop Of OXFORD moved the second reading of a bill to protect females. Many persons make an infamous livelihood by waiting at thegreat accesses to London from the country, and thence enticieg_away young unwary persons, to their abodes of crime. In these dark and accursed places, they effect the ruin of these unprotected crea- tures, often by first throwing them into an unconscious state, as often by unveiled violence. The Bishop felt the great difficulties that surrounded any attempt to legislate an this subject; and wished his bill to be referred to a Select Committee—. it had some acknowledged defects, and he asked for suggestions of improvements, to be used in Committee. The bill was read a second time, and ordered tole committed.

Serarrs Ritoexemon OF EXCISE LAWS. On Thursday, Ma Committee Of the House of Commons, Sir CHARLES WOOD proposed resolutions to amend the laws relating to the Excise. He should inteednee two bills. The first bill, relating-to the warehousing of spirits, would authorize distillers in England to warehouse their spirits for home consumption without payment of duty; thus making Eno- land equal in that respect to Ireland and Scotland: it would allow transfer of spirits from one bonding warehouse to another without payment of duty; would authorize the British (as well as foreign) distiller or rectifier to bond rectified spirits, aweeteain bond, and export, without payment of duty; with some other regulations of a similar kind. The other bill would relate to permits: it would relieve dealers in spirits from the necessity of having a permit, reserving of course

a power of survey in sus • • cases; and it would enable dealers to take oats five-guinea licence (in addition to the ten-guinea licence) which would authorize them to sell foreign spirits and liqueurs in smaller quantities than the law allows at present. The resolutions were agreed to.

BRITISH INTERVENTION IN ITALY. DI reply to questions by Mt. MINTZ relating to the massacre reported in Naples, Lord PALMERSTON said that his ac- count led him to believe that the transaction was much misconstrued; and he would present to the House our Consul's account of it- Lord Palmerston also stated, that, though a party to the treaty of Vienna, this country was not bound, and Government did not intend to interfere in any way whatever in the events now taking place in Italy. The British Government had been calumniated in Italy: it felt, however, a lively sympathy with the people of Italy, and hoped they would be successful in their endeavours to obtain freedom and constitutional govern- ments. (Cheers.)