10 MARCH 1838, Page 15



Now that the party hopes and fears excited by Sir WILLIAM MoLEswoam's motion have passed away, a few calm reflections on the event may not be unacceptable. Amongst these, however, there will be none relating to the subject matter of the motion. For though a question so free from party politics seldom comes before Parliament, this one was treated by all parties in the House of Commons au nothing but a party question. After the motion had been read by the Speaker, the whole debate was a mere struggle between the Ins and the Outs. It is in this light only, therefore, that we shall notice it. The Tory amendment was highly appropriate. It discarded, as quite unworthy of regard, the state of the Colonies generally; and expressed, with respect to Canada, the tyrannical feelings of Lord STANLEY. In the Colonies, (where Sir WILLIAM MOLES- weaves speech will be read with a deep interest.) the Tory amendment, supported as it was by Lord STANLEY'S speech, in which he loaded the Canadians with abuse and derision, will ex- cite a perfect dread of the Tories, and will add, if that were pos- sible, to the fear and hatred with which they are regarded at home.

Of this fear and hatred a remarkable proof is furnished by the behaviour of the Radicals on this occasion. Very many of them would have supported the motion if it had not been converted into a question between the Whigs and the Tories. Ministers, by de- claring that they would resign it' the motion were carried, at once secured the vote of nearly every Radical Member. From the moment when it seemed possible that this Colonial motion might " let in the Tories," the whole subject of the motion was laid aside by those even who most approved of it intrinsically ; and every consideration was discarded but that of " keeping out the Tories." The greatest alarm, and the most violent auger towards Sir WILLIAM M 0 LESWORTH, prevailed amongst the Radical Mem- bers; and there can be no doubt that, in this respect, nearly all of them fairly represented their constituents. It is plain that hardly a single Liberal constituency in the kingdom can bear to think of a Tory Government. Any near approach of the Tories to office excites a sort of terror. They may learn from the event of this week, how widely-spread and how profound is the hatred of their principles. For we should carefully observe, that the fright which the Liberals have undergone this week, did not arise from any wish to keep the Whigs in, except as keeping them in is a means of keeping the Tories out : it was not founded on attachment to the Whigs, but merely on dread of the Tories. So great is that dread, that, although there is now, substantially, little to choose between Tories and Whigs—though it is at last bard to find a real difference between the objects or principles of Whig and Tory—though the Whig Government depend for its existence on submission to Tory influence and control—yet the mere name of Tory scares the most independent Liberals. Whether it scares them out of their wits, will be seen before long. However unconsciously, they may be " playing the game.' of the Tories. It is well known that the Tory amendment was care- fully worded so as to preclude from supporting it all who had op- posed the Whig measures as to Canada ; that it was framed expressly with a view to prevent a division fatal to the Ministry. The Tory Tail much wanted it to be otherwise, but gave in to the more prudent counsels of their leaders. The Tory leaders do not wish to turn out the Whigs at present. Their time is not yet come: that pear is not quite ripe. Their policy is no secret. Supposing them brought into office by a vote against the Ministry in which a dozen Radicals had concurred, still, as a Government, they would be in the minority. Or if they had a bare majority, how could they bring even the routine measures of the session to a close whilst beset by so formidable a minority as would be arrayed against them ? To dissolve, without first completing the routine business of the session, would be unpopular, and in many ways hazardous. But, above all, what is the use of their taking office without some assurance of being able to keep it ? In order to make sure of a good working majority by a general election, it is indispensable that the Whigs should, for some time longer yet, be exhibited to the country as truckling to the Tories for the sake of present office ; it is most expedient that the Whigs should be allowed an opportunity of still further losing character and weight with the country, by suiting their course to the Tory guidance. Before the close of the session, the degradation of the Whigs may be so far matured as to give the Tories a prospect of keeping office. The Tory leaders are working now, not for office, but against the existence of a formidable Opposition when they shall be in office. They do not wish to come in at present : they wish to be kept out, and would have been annoyed beyond measure if fifteen Radicals had voted with them on Thursday morning. Their fight against the Government this week was a sham, to pacify their thoughtless and impatient followers. They wish so to time their assault upon Downing Street, as to keep what they seize, and without having to pay for it by concession after concession to a Liberal Opposition. They want (especially Lord STANLEY, we opine,) to have their own Tory way when they get into office : and for this purpose they must needs wait awhile. " Keep out the Tories " till there shall be no hope of controlling them when they get in—this is the PEEL-and-STANLEY policy, and no secret to anybody since the Tory gathering at Sir RosEttf s house OR Monday last.